Subtitles section Play video Print subtitles THOMAS MORTON: You notice the soil here is super dark, and that is because in addition to being surrounded by rebel groups, Goma also sits at the base of an active volcano. Even from the land up, this area is just in a constant state of That woman's shirt says Vagina Warrior. Goma's the capitol city of the North Kivu Province of the Democratic Republic of Congo, and is situation in one of the world's worst geopolitical neighborhoods. To the southeast, there's the Rwandan border, which largely consists of mountain jungles through which scores of Hutu militants passed in the wake of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, fleeing the revenge of President Paul Kagame's newly elected Tutsi government for their role in the massacre. This armed migration directly contributed to the escalation of the First and Second Congo Wars, in which an estimated 5 million people lost their lives. It was also through this transportation corridor that the Lord's Resistance Army, led by the infamous Joseph Kony, crossed the border from Uganda and drove deep into the heart of the Congo. While "Kony 2012" drew a lot of criticism for being less than diligent when it came to framing the quote unquote "facts" the documentary cited, what it did reveal is that the best way to reach jungle-bound dissidents wasn't through social media, but through good, old fashioned psychological operations-- mostly in the tried and true forms of leaflet drops and radio broadcasts. -We don't benefit anything if we lie to you. We want to make sure you see the facts. And I'm sure you're going to decide to enter the DDR process voluntarily. THOMAS MORTON: So when the United Nations extended an invitation to embed with their operation in several locations across the country, our team gladly accepted. IAN ROWE: DDR is the Desarmement, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reinsertion, and Reintegration Program. The focus of the program is on foreign commands that are operating in the Congo. There's national reintegration programs which take over and facilitate their reinsertion into their communities of origin. The main approach that DDRRR has for trying to convince voluntary surrenders for subsequent repatriation is by radio sensitization. This involves using radio messages over FM networks. THOMAS MORTON: FM Uruguay 106.7. Siempre presente only the hits. All rock, no talk. -[SPEAKING FOREIGN LANGUAGE] IAN ROWE: There's messages calling for them to lay down their weapons and return home. It lets them know that it is still possible to go home. THOMAS MORTON: Um-hm. IAN ROWE: Hope is not lost. Their families will be waiting for them and there's programs that will help them reinsert into their society. -This is one of our camps, the transit camp. And in this camp, we feed them three times a day. We provide them lodging, not this best one that you may think about, because we want to keep that temporarily so that they can go back to their country. We also give them access to telephone so that they can call their friends, relatives, and loved ones. -[SPEAKING FOREIGN LANGUAGE] -Now, I will like to invite Mr. [INAUDIBLE] to address the ceremony. THOMAS MORTON: Oh, that's cool. I guess it's supposed to represent peace of some sort, but it kind of looks like one of those evil war birds from Pink Floyd's The Wall. So we're out on MONUSCO Base, the far eastern side, right on the border with Rwanda and Uganda. There's a whole bunch of rebel groups that kind of mix and merge and cross borders and take over this place. It's a real mess. The one most people know about, the Lord's Resistance Army, or LRA, are kind of the most notorious for their tactics, for using child soldiers, for abducting people, for setting entire churches full of folks on fire. There's another group called the M23, and are actually officially about 20 or 40 kilometers outside the city center, but we've heard closer to 10. These wars have been going on since the '90s in different little spurts. It's basically a permanent state of war for the Congolese people. It just varies, who they're fighting, at any one given time of the day. And so we're going to go with a little patrol, hopefully not get shot at. -[SPEAKING FOREIGN LANGUAGE] -[SPEAKING FOREIGN LANGUAGE] -[SPEAKING FOREIGN LANGUAGE] THOMAS MORTON: We got into Goma this morning. We just hooked up with a troop of Uruguay and UN soldiers who are going to give us a little tour of the city-- see what a town that's basically spent 20 years at siege of rebel warfare looks like Besides the fragmented Lord's Resistance Army, the Democratic Republic of Congo is also home to militant groups such as the Mai-Mai, the Raia Mutomboki, and the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda. But the greatest threat to regional stability could very well be a group known as M23. Led by Bosco Ntaganda, affectionately known by his troops as the Terminator, M23 mostly consists of Congolese Tutsis who defected from the army last April after alleging that the government in Kinshasa had violated peace accords signed on March 23, 2009, in which members of the now defunct CNDP were be absorbed into the country's regular army, the FRDC. The battle between M23 and government troops has raged so wildly that the United Nations has been forced to divert troops and resources sorely needed elsewhere in the country in order to get the government in Kinshasa a fighting chance. This, in turn, has created a security vacuum in which many of the armed groups in the area have rushed in to fill while reigniting the cycle of old tribal conflicts that were never really stamped out in the first place. These ethnic and geopolitical tensions are, in turn, exacerbating an already raging fight between local militias to control the illicit mining of cassiterite, wolframite, and coltan, minerals essential to the manufacturing of everything from smartphones to jet engines to airbags. Complicating matters further, it is widely believed that M23 is receiving aid from the governments of Rwanda and Uganda. And it has been reported that the FDRC has approached the Hutu Mai-Mai for aid in fighting the largely Tutsi M23, background information largely omitted when President Obama ordered 100 US Special Forces to support regional powers in their search for our favorite madman of Facebook. BARACK OBAMA: And when the Lord's Resistance Army, led by Joseph Kony, continued its atrocities in Central Africa, I ordered a small number of American advisers to help Uganda and its neighbors pursue the LRA. THOMAS MORTON: So I'm not a big fan of the UN, in general. The track record has been spotty for all the 65, 67 years. They're famous for bringing the sex trade. It's basically anywhere they set up shop. As our team's tank patrol policed the streets of Goma's poorest neighborhoods, as well as power plants, airstrips, and crossroads-- the kind of places a rebel army would likely attack-- it became clear the UN troops were not preparing for a jungle assault, but for a potential attack by M23 on Goma itself. So obviously, the UN's here, on what they describe as a peacekeeping mission. They're supposed to mediate between all the different rebel groups and end the factions of army. There's different sections. The Congolese army, the Rwandan army, and the Ugandan armies do come in here. So it's supposed to be, basically, the babysitter, the grown-ups here. At the time, you're in a tank and they're soldiers. Little boy's like it, but it makes it feel kind of a little weird, like you're in an occupying army. I can't help but notice we've only really been in town. And it's kind of weird just to do a city patrol. It's almost more like you're policing the local population than on the lookout for rebel groups. Maybe there's something to be said for trying to convince locals not to go take up arms with M23. In the weeks that followed our initial visit to Goma, skirmishes between M23, Congolese troops, and the UN