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  • In this collaborative presentation, Dr. Simone

  • Pulver provides a summary of contemporary

  • sociological theory organizing theorists and schools

  • of thought based on their historical Genesis

  • and the levels of analysis at which they operate.

  • Several sociologists then present the key

  • ideas of specific contemporary theorists.

  • Dr. Dana Fisher discusses Giddens idea of structuration

  • which combines structure and agency and then to

  • Habermas' notions of deliberative democracy.

  • Dr. Lori Peek summarizes symbolic interactionism

  • highlighting the focus on symbols and their

  • interpretations based on individual and social experience.

  • Dr. Andrew Jorgenson presents world systems

  • theory from the Chase-Dunn perspective and focuses

  • on trends and interstate relationships and structures.

  • Finally, myself, Dr. Kristal Jones discusses

  • Polanyi and Bourdieu's theories about the

  • institution and maintenance of economic

  • structures embedded in social systems.

  • My name is Simone Pulver, I'm an associate

  • professor of environmental studies at UC

  • Santa Barbara, and it is my pleasure to preface

  • and provide an introductory overview to this

  • panel, so this is going to be a panel format.

  • Contemporary social theory is considered to include

  • the work of social theorists from around 1935ish to

  • the present; it's essentially defined in opposition to

  • classical social theory, I think a metaphor to describe

  • the relationship between the two bodies of thought

  • that I find useful is the idea of roots classical theory

  • and branches contemporary theory and while there

  • is mostly agreement about the canon included in

  • classical theory, who is considered a key contemporary

  • theorist and sociology is much more debated.

  • From that perspective, contemporary sociology

  • is best described as multi-paradigmatic unlike

  • economics with the majority of economists working

  • within a single shared paradigm, contemporary

  • social theory is a collection of multiple paradigms.

  • There are scholars whose work is in the direction

  • of synthesis, so I'm going to, Habermas I think

  • fits into this, Giddens, Bourdieu, but there is

  • no quest for one grand unifying contemporary

  • social theory, right, no one's trying to do that.

  • When deciding the best way to provide an overview

  • of contemporary social theory, I opted for

  • the overly crowded, text heavy slide advised

  • against by all PowerPoint instruction manuals.

  • This slide is intended to give you a visual

  • depiction of key approaches and individuals

  • that fall within the category of contemporary

  • sociological and/or social theory.

  • As soon as I put this together, I was arguing with

  • myself about these categorizations, so recognize

  • that the boundaries are fluid, some of these

  • individuals would self-identify as sociologists,

  • but others are political scientists, anthropologists,

  • philosophers, or more broadly public intellectuals

  • who don't affiliate with a particular discipline.

  • Nevertheless, the goal of this diagram or

  • schematic is to create some order out of chaos.

  • There are both time and levels of analysis

  • dimensions to this schematic, broadly we go from

  • earlier to later and then also macro to micro and

  • then those folks essentially work or those areas

  • are more integrative across the macro micro divide.

  • Most textbooks on contemporary sociology will

  • start with the structural functionalism of Talcott

  • Parsons, an economist turned sociologist at

  • Harvard, and his most prominent student Robert

  • Merton, who spent his career at Columbia.

  • Parsons, who is described as a towering figure

  • of American sociology, was interested in

  • discovering the fundamental social laws that

  • govern society, so harking back to the biophysical

  • sciences in the search for fundamental laws.

  • In particular, he developed a grand theory

  • of society and social stability centered

  • on how different subsystems in society

  • function together to maintain social order.

  • Parson's body of work was grounded in Durkheim and

  • Weber and essentially ignored Marx completely.

  • So as a result, several critiques emerged grounded

  • in or mirroring Marx's theories of conflict challenging

  • Parson's work and its emphasis on stability and order.

  • The first of these perspectives, coming out

  • of Europe, is the critical theory approach

  • associated with the Frankfurt School.

  • Key names associated with this school are

  • Horkheimer, Adorno, Marcuse, and Habermas, who's,

  • and the last of which his work has received most

  • attention I think of that list of critical theorists.

  • Second, there were conflict and power theories

  • developed by Dahrendorf, Mills respectively; those

  • are both U.S. based scholars, sort of they didn't

  • really know about Marx when they were developing

  • their theories, but they're in line with sort of

  • Marx's traditions or Marx's conflict approaches.

  • And then, finally, a robust critique of Parson's idea

  • of linear modernization and stability was led by a

  • group of Latin American scholars under the umbrella

  • of dependency theory, so we had Parsons and

  • then these critiques to Parson that emerged.

  • Despite their differences, all these strands of theorizing

  • share a focus on macro level structures, be it the

  • economic trajectories of nations or the function

  • of critical reason and political debate in regulating

  • society, alright, they all focus at the macro-level.

  • Concurrently, there were also significant theoretical

  • developments on the micro side where theorists were

  • interested in explaining the behavior of individuals

  • and here three strands are worth mentioning.

  • The theoretical perspective of symbolic interactionism

  • that you heard about a little bit this morning which

  • focuses of the interpretive work of the self in social

  • interaction; the core idea being that the self is

  • not given, but emerges out of social interaction.

  • Symbolic interactionism builds on the work of

  • George Herbert Mead as we heard that the

  • actual name was coined by Herbert Blumer.

  • Also in this direction is Erving Goffman's work on

  • dramaturgy, which emphasizes how much of social

  • life is a performance and then there's the work in

  • phenomenology and ethnomethodology which both

  • focus on the everyday realities and actual practices

  • by individuals and how those practices work to

  • create an ordered and organized social reality.

  • And then finally, taking micro theorizing in a totally

  • different direct- or, no, in a different direction,

  • exchange in rational choice theory were developed,

  • drawing on economics and psychological behaviorism,

  • focusing on the costs and benefits of choices and

  • for each of these theoretical traditions I've listed

  • some key names if you're interested in following up.

  • Okay, so, so far I've covered the macro and micro

  • levels, now I just want to introduce you to a set of

  • theories or approaches or even topics that span these

  • levels, so for example, theories of feminism and gender

  • inequality and race ethnicity and nationalism focus

  • simultaneously at the macro and micro levels, right,

  • scholars are concerned both with the lived experience

  • of individuals and the larger social structures that

  • perpetuate gender inequality or racism and it's not

  • that every single theorist who's a feminist theorist

  • works at the micro macro level, the feminist theory

  • is a body of work spans that micro macro divide.

  • It is also worth noting that theorizing on both of these

  • topics also spans the classical contemporary divide.

  • Questions of race and gender inequality have

  • animated sociologists since the classical period and

  • sociology has discovered early feminist and race

  • theorists like Harriet Martineau and Charlotte Perkins

  • Gilman, who are contemporaries of Marx, Weber, and

  • Durkheim, so the discipline has sort of gone through

  • an evolution about who's included in that classical

  • canon, not just white men, European white men;

  • however, the heyday of gender and race theory has

  • been in the contemporary period in part to responses

  • and changes in political and social worlds and that's

  • why they are sort of lumped under contemporary

  • social theory; other more recent developments also

  • showcase that theory in sociology is a response to

  • changes in society, for example, post-structuralists

  • and post-modernists are both reacting to new

  • developments in social life such as the end of trust

  • in the key institutions of modernity or the incursion

  • of media into society, likewise theorizing about the

  • drivers in effects of globalization arose alongside a

  • sense of increase in conductivity across the globe.

  • Now the final part of this schematic are theorists

  • who have been explicitly doing some integration

  • of macro and micro approaches; some of the most

  • important theorizing in sociology has been done

  • by individuals working in this vein, in this list, I

  • would includergen Habermas, Pierre Bourdieu,

  • Anthony Giddens, Manuel Castells and I'm sure

  • others could be put into, on that list.

  • Okay.

  • Having set up this schematic I can now

  • orient you to the presentations of

  • the other panelists for this session.

  • Dana is going to get us started, she's going to talk

  • about Habermas, sort of a lead scholar in the critical

  • theory Frankfurt School, as well as Anthony Giddens,

  • one of the sort of more integrative thinkers.

  • She's going to be followed by Lori talking about

  • symbolic interactionism, followed by Andrew

  • who's going to talk about Christopher Chase-Dunn,

  • who I've put into the sort of globalization school,

  • he works in the, at the sort of global level in the

  • world systems theory tradition, and then finally

  • Kristal is going to close out our panel talking about

  • Polanyi, who I did not really know where to put,

  • but I put him in globalization cause arguably

  • Polanyi is used to sort of think about globalization,

  • one of the earliest globalization theorists and

  • then Pierree Bourdieu who's a real integrative

  • theorist spanning the macro and micro worlds.

  • The final thing I wanted to close out on today

  • is I wanted to finish by identifying that, what

  • I think are the cutting edge of, or what I think

  • is the cutting edge of contemporary social

  • theory and the Ritzer reading, which was

  • assigned for this particular session points to

  • developments in queer theory and critical race

  • and racism theory as being at the cutting edge.

  • I think there's really interesting work in actor-network

  • theory and practice theory, both of which focus on

  • the interface between the human and social and the

  • physical and technological worlds; I think there's

  • some really interesting work being done there.

  • Sociologists have long been interested in inequality,

  • but there's been a real resurgence of theorizing on

  • this topic in part once again because changes in

  • the sort of, you know, I, inequality in society.

  • And finally, and I'm a little biased here, but I would

  • argue that climate change has pushed theorizing

  • about society and the environment to the forefront,

  • beyond the bounds of environmental sociology to

  • sociology in general, so to me these are the sort of

  • cutting edge of contemporary social theory.

  • Thank you very much and

  • with that I hand it off to Dana.

  • I thought I would take you through some, kind

  • of an overview of the works of Giddens and

  • Habermas and then I'm going to dig down into

  • my favorite work of Habermas, The Structural

  • Transformation of the Public Sphere to get a

  • sense of the ways that it is conceptualized and

  • the ways that it might be useful and cause

  • originally I started out kind of throwing up very

  • texty slides and I wasn't sure how the utility of

  • that, so I went this route, it's we'll call it a third

  • way in honor of Giddens' somewhat recent book.

  • So Anthony Giddens is alive today, he was the head

  • of the London School of Economics, until recently; he

  • is, actually I should call him Sir Anthony Giddens and he

  • has, like these other theorists who've come before him,

  • well he's a white male as well, but I don't believe he has

  • a beard right now, but he has written many, many works

  • with many, many big ideas in them, so I just thought I

  • would talk about some of the works that are well known,

  • but also that I think are particularly useful for thinking

  • about the society environment interaction and his

  • probably most well known for his work on modernity

  • and on structuration theory and so, I think Lori

  • talked a little bit about how there was this discussion

  • about agency versus structure and thinking about

  • which should be privileged more within traditional

  • social theory and what Giddens did and he wasn't

  • necessarily the first to do this, but he perhaps did it

  • in the most aggressive manner, he basically argued

  • that what was necessary was to think about looking

  • at the interactions between agency and structure

  • and he came up with this novel term structuration

  • theory which basically means that we look at

  • agency and structure together as an interaction

  • and he became quite well known for that work.

  • At the same time, he also is one of the fathers

  • of reflexive modernization which I'm going to be

  • talking about later today perhaps its most well

  • known as a work by Ulrich Beck who recently

  • passed away, but Giddens was one of the people

  • who was initially involved in the conversation

  • about reflexive moderniza-, modernization and

  • how to use, their term not mine, so don't roll your

  • eyes at me, a modernization of modernity would

  • lead to alternative ways of thinking about society,

  • technology, and the environment and I'm going to

  • talk about that more later, so I didn't want to

  • spend too much time on that given my limited time.

  • One of his most recent theoretical works was a

  • work call The Third Way, which I think is, it's

  • theoretical, but it also was specifically applying

  • some of his thoughts to thinking about Europe and

  • where Europe was going and to where democratic

  • societies could go moving forward and that came out

  • in 1998 and from then he actually turned very much

  • towards a, an applied approach and he wrote The

  • Politics of Climate Change, which was really not

  • theoretical at all, but I thought I should mention it

  • since we are talking about society environment and

  • he is a social theorist who has tried to weigh in and

  • I think it's interesting because in some ways this

  • goes back to what Simone was talking about before

  • and I think that while we are moving into a period

  • where there are these theoretical opportunities for

  • thinking more about social theory moving forward,

  • I also think there is the challenge of a lot of people

  • deciding that they want to stomp in the small pool

  • that is society and the environment with their ideas

  • without actually building on the scholars that have

  • come before them and I think that Giddens and other

  • people who have read this, if you don't agree, but I

  • think that in a lot of ways he represents one of a long

  • line of people who have tried to do this in the past 10

  • years, so that is, that's all I have to say about Giddens.

  • So since I have to also talk about Habermas and

  • what I basically wanted to do was I thought I

  • would start with a little background on Habermas.

  • Now Habermas is, he's a scholar of the Frankfurt

  • School, he is very well known for his work

  • originally on legitimation then moving forward

  • looking at civil society and what's called the

  • public sphere, which I'll talk about in a minute.

  • I think it's, the other thing that he's extremely well

  • known for is he wrote a two volume very, very dense

  • work called The Theory of Communicative Action.

  • Habermas' whole work is embedded in notions

  • about communication, right like communication

  • like how we talk to one another and it's worth

  • noting that Habermas is also, was born with a very

  • significant substantial speech impediment and to

  • date people have a very hard time understanding

  • him; he has a very big harelip and as a result,

  • it's actually very interesting to think about the

  • ways that he then has spent much of his time

  • trying to understand communication and how we

  • communicate as individuals as well as within society,

  • so I thought that was worthwhile background.

  • Let's see he, when he talks about theory of

  • communi-, the theory of communicative action,

  • one of the big things he's thinking about is

  • how we can have communication free from

  • domination and non-power base dynamics

  • among communication which obviously is an

  • ideal and not reasonably achievable, but he

  • starts from there and then spends as I said

  • before, two volumes trying to pull apart how

  • that works and how it is situated and what the

  • powers that pull in different ways on communication.

  • I did want to make one comment about his

  • Legitimation Crisis which was an early book of his,

  • it's actually in contrast to TCA, we call it TCA cause,

  • you know, it's easier that way, which is like this.

  • The Legitimation Crisis, a nice little book, it fits in

  • your back pocket if you want to open up a little

  • Habermas I suggest that one and in the Legitimation

  • Crisis, Habermas very much is engaging with Weber's

  • work on rationalization here and what he basically,

  • the main question that drives that work which

  • was one of his earlier works is a question of how

  • does a state, so like a government, maintain

  • legitimacy when it's very clear that there is an

  • unequal contribution of resources and power.

  • And so the whole work is this conceptual framework

  • for thinking about how legitimation is maintained

  • and even furthered within, you know, the common,

  • the modern state where we do have unequal

  • distribution of everything, so there's that work.

  • So now I come to my favorite work of Habermas',

  • which is the work on the public sphere.

  • So let's see Habermas wrote The

  • Structural Transformation of the Public

  • Sphere in the 1990s at some point.

  • It was not translated into English until I think

  • '96 and that's when there was this explosion of

  • work around the structural transformation of

  • public sphere, so I just thought the public sphere

  • is basically seen as this domain where people

  • come together and communicate again and the

  • idea is that there is this opportunity for rationalized

  • communication free from domination where people

  • can actually communicate and discuss and that is at

  • the heart of democracy and I thought it was great

  • that Tom was also talking about Dewey because

  • in a lot of ways this then connects also to some of

  • the Deweyian ideals about democracy as well.

  • His work itself, the book that, it was the foundation

  • for the structural transformation or that is the

  • structural transformation that then there's all this

  • other work that has comes since on it, talks about

  • first the emergence of the public sphere and then

  • the transformation is actually how it basically

  • falls apart and I'll give it away quickly which is it

  • emerges as a place where the learned people

  • otherwise known as men, by the way, could get

  • together and talk in, about politics and have

  • discussions and initially he pointed out that it was

  • this wonderful place where it, to some degree

  • power was more equalized, so that people who

  • weren't very landed could talk with people who

  • had a lot of land and discuss and debate politics,

  • and it was this idea and in some ways the book

  • beginning of deliberation came from this idea.

  • The transformation happens when you get the

  • real riff-raff capable of reading and you also have

  • women entering the public sphere and you also have

  • people of color to some degree entering the public

  • sphere and that's where the whole thing is seen as

  • falling apart within the work and the transformation

  • itself, I mean, so there are lots of things to criticize

  • about the structural transformation of the public

  • sphere and I can give a list of all the things that

  • have already been written to criticize it.

  • What was very interesting is this idea of,

  • is there a time when people can come together

  • and really have a discussion about democracy?

  • And he argues that it's possible, excuse me, when

  • there is homogeneity among the actors involved,

  • right, and the problem is that he says that once

  • you get a more diverse crowd involved, it, the

  • power differentials make it not possible to have

  • this communication that's free from domination

  • where you can really have a conversation about

  • democracy in a real way, which I know can sound

  • kind of crazy, but it's really interesting in terms of

  • thinking about communication and discussion and

  • the role that discussion can play and deliberation

  • can play in democracy, which was very, very, in

  • some ways groundbreaking when he wrote it for

  • thinking about the way that society interacts and

  • the interaction itself, not just these structures,

  • these, you know, these static structures of the

  • state that you change, but how do they change

  • and, you know, for Habermas they changed

  • through communication and communication

  • yields social change in many different ways

  • and there are lots of works that he has written

  • that talks about the different ways that change

  • happened, but I think is most important for my,

  • you know, my cliff notes version here, is to think

  • about the fact that it's this interaction that's

  • communicative amongst people who know what's

  • going on that enables us to move forward.

  • I mean I can give a, I'll give an example that's,

  • you know, an example today would be that

  • Habermas would say that the Trumpism of American

  • politics today shows this decline and failure of the

  • public sphere because all of a sudden you no

  • longer have learned experienced people who

  • have been in government, who know how to talk

  • about state making, they instead all of a sudden

  • we have, you know, these crazy statements

  • that are being made for media attention and

  • it's no longer a deliberation about how to solve

  • the actual problems that are going on in society,

  • but rather just grandstanding to get attention.

  • So I mean I think that's how he would do it

  • and he, since he is still alive, he may very well

  • weigh in on Trump if he ends up being the

  • Republican nominee, so stay tuned for that.

  • But again, so the public sphere itself was originally

  • this idea around the bourgeois public, it was originally

  • in this period of time for, many people were very

  • powerful, but a lot of people have embraced the idea

  • because it fits very nicely into thinking about democracy

  • and thinking about citizen participation, but also kind

  • of participation in politics and the way you get from

  • an individual, who just votes to being an individual

  • who participates and discusses and then potentially,

  • then democracy reflects the opinions of the populace.

  • Okay, thank you Simone for the

  • introduction to this and thank you Dana.

  • So again I'm Lori Peek and I'm a sociologist at Colorado

  • State University and I'm going to spend a few minutes

  • with you today talking about symbolic interactionism,

  • which is a micro level perspective that you are all

  • now familiar with after this morning's discussion, so

  • just again a brief reminder when we talk about micro

  • level theories or perspectives, we're really talking

  • about close-up on the ground studies of oftentimes

  • social interaction as well as human behavior and

  • how individuals interpret and respond to and ascribe

  • meaning to interactions and to particular behaviors.

  • And so as Simone introduced us to several of these

  • thinkers earlier, George Herbert Mead and Charles

  • Horton Cooley are often two of the thinkers that

  • are sort of considered foundational, but as Simone

  • said Herbert Blumer was actually the first scholar

  • to use the term of symbolic interactionism in

  • his written work and Blumer was a student

  • of Mead's at the University of Chicago.

  • Robert Park as well as Erving Goffman are also

  • oftentimes names that you will see in this tradition

  • and it's interesting sort of as Simone was aleading,

  • alluding to when you're working in a contemporary

  • theoretical space figuring out who were those founding

  • thinkers and so Mead sometimes gets included as

  • a classical thinker in sociology because oftentimes

  • he is the one that, like I did this morning, people

  • point to as sort of a foundational thinker of the

  • micro interactionist approach, but also is oftentimes

  • taught in contemporary theory classes as well.

  • And so a few of the central premises of symbolic

  • interactionism and these first three, I'm going to put

  • up several premises or ideas that really help anchor

  • this theory, so while Mead is oftentimes sort of the

  • person who's pointed to as one of the grand founders

  • of this theory, he, actually his most read book Mind

  • Self and Society, he actually did not write, his students

  • at the University of Chicago were so taken by him and

  • his ideas and the things that he shared, that after he

  • passed away his students actually assembled that

  • book based on notes from his lectures in his class.

  • Blumer, his student, was much more systematic in terms

  • of his writing about what symbolic interactionism is and

  • recall Mead was a philosopher, a psychologist, and

  • also a sociologist as to where Blumer was a capital S

  • sociologist and so these first three premises are his.

  • So the first thing he would say is that people act

  • towards symbols and so this notion of symbols is

  • key in symbolic interactionism and when we use the

  • concept of symbols we're really talking about first

  • and foremost words and language, but we're also

  • talking about material goods we may be talking

  • about actual physical objects or items or things

  • and so people act in relation to symbols and they

  • do this on the basis of those meanings that those

  • symbols have for them and so for instance we

  • have some people who are U.S. born and bred in

  • this room, we also have many people who are not.

  • We also likely have many people of many different

  • political and ideological stripes sitting in this room and

  • so what a symbolic interactionist would, their starting

  • point would recognize this flag is a symbol, it's an

  • object and a symbolic interactionist would maybe

  • put up a symbol like this and would never assume

  • that all of us ascribe the same meaning to this.

  • Instead a symbolic interactionist would look at

  • this room and would want to try to understand,

  • so there's this symbol, what meaning do each of

  • you attach to this symbol, so if you would let's

  • take five seconds and I'd like you to think about

  • what is the first word or idea that comes into

  • your mind when you see the American flag and

  • no need to share it because we're being recorded.

  • So what's the first word or idea,

  • again get it in your mind please.

  • Second tenant or premise of symbolic interactionism

  • is that the meanings that we acribe to symbols, they

  • come through interactions with people and so think

  • about that word that you just put into your mind

  • to describe your feeling or how you might respond

  • to the American flag, where did that idea come

  • from for you?, Was it your family?, Was it your

  • broader cultural context? Was it the media?, etc.

  • Third key premise of symbolic interactionism is that

  • people don't just internalize meanings, it's not that

  • meanings aren't all around us, but we don't just

  • internalize them, we're able to actually interact with

  • them through an interpretive process and so at all

  • times symbolic interactionists see people as active,

  • critical, engaged beings who are able to think critically

  • and actively about the symbols around them.

  • Fourth key premise that one of the things that

  • symbolic interactionists argue, separate us

  • from the animals and we'll love to hear our

  • veterinarian weigh in on this is that we are

  • unique in our ability to use and rely on symbols;

  • we are not just driven by our instincts, instead we

  • are very much active and interactive in our society.

  • Fifth key premise is that people only become human

  • through social interaction and so some symbolic

  • interaction is to actually argue that we are not

  • actually human until we acquire the ability to use

  • language because language is so central to the

  • symbolic interactionist perspective and so it's

  • through language and through interaction that we

  • actually become fully human and so a lot of early

  • interactionists actually wrote about feral children and

  • children who had been raised by wolves to argue

  • that they weren't actually fully human because

  • they had not developed this capacity to interact

  • with their environment and the symbols around them.

  • Sixth key premise that people are conscious and

  • capable of reflecting on themselves and what they

  • do and thus they're therefore capable of shaping

  • their actions and their interactions with others and

  • so this small graphic up here of the looking glass

  • self, this is sort of Cooley's who's one of the founding

  • thinkers, this is oftentimes the idea that oftentimes

  • gets most cited and associated with him and so the

  • looking glass self is this idea that we're able to hold

  • a mirror up to ourselves and realize that our parents

  • may see us in a particular way, our partners may see

  • us in a particular way and the ways that our partners

  • see us can change across time and space based upon

  • our behavior and so while the mom may see the person

  • with a halo around their head and while the girlfriend

  • may generally see the person as okay, later in time

  • the girlfriend may see the person as horns on their

  • head because they did something bad and so this

  • looking glass self is this idea that we're constantly able

  • to understand and interpret how people are seeing

  • us and then we behave in ways in response to that.

  • Seventh key idea is that people define situations,

  • they give them meaning, and then they

  • act toward them and so reality is socially

  • constructed and it's constantly being constructed.

  • Oftentimes people teaching the symbolic interactionist

  • perspective in an intro class to make this point about

  • people defining situations as real and then they become

  • real in their meaning, a lot of times intro classes use

  • the example of someone who is anorexic and so if the

  • person defines a situation as real, so an anorexic we

  • know that oftentimes when they look at themselves

  • they see themselves as being heavy even if objectively

  • out there in the so-called real world other people are

  • looking at that person and saying oh my goodness you're,

  • you know, you are drastically dramatically underweight,

  • your life is being threatened, it doesn't matter what that

  • objective reality is out there for that anorexic person

  • if that anorexic person defines his or her reality as

  • being I am heavy, I am atrociously overweight, I am

  • not going to be able to eat, then that is how that

  • person is going to respond in reaction to their socially

  • constructed reality and so symbolic interactionists this

  • morning we heard the word objectivity several times

  • out there, symbolic interactionists tend to be less

  • interested in big O objectivity as floating out there in

  • the world somewhere and instead much more interested

  • in subjective interpretations of our social world.

  • And eighth key premise is that people produce

  • society and so that structure agency debate that

  • we talked about this morning, that society is seen

  • very much as a bottom up construction made by,

  • made as a result of these ongoing interactions

  • between people with symbols, selves, and society.

  • And so just in conclusion, when we think about how do

  • symbolic interactionists, how do they look at the world?

  • What is the lens, the magnifying glass that

  • they bring to everything that they do?

  • And so these are generalizations symbolic

  • interactionists like many other sociologists

  • have many other stripes look at the world in

  • many different ways, but generally speaking

  • symbolic interactionists tend to look at

  • individuals as well as small groups in terms

  • of their unit of analysis and hence have

  • a lot of overlap with social psychologists.

  • There's also a society for the study of symbolic

  • interactionism that it's its own disciplinary organization.

  • In terms of methods, because symbolic interactionists

  • tend to be interested in that kind of micro level group

  • behavior, they tend to, although not exclusively,

  • tend to use qualitative participatory methods, so

  • interviews, observations, small group interviews,

  • and they tend to be inductive in their forms of

  • analysis and the questions that they ask tend to

  • be focused on identities, interactions, behaviors,

  • attitudes, values, and group affiliations.

  • And so in terms of implications for a group like this

  • and thinking about where might a micro sociology

  • or a symbolic interactionist perspective really assist

  • or aid people working in this kind of space, so

  • we might ask questions like, how does someone

  • develop an identity as an environmental activist?,

  • What does it mean to become an activist?, How do

  • environmental activists interact with one another

  • and how is that conditioned by race, class, gender,

  • and age?, What are particular environmental

  • values that people hold and how are those values,

  • how might they be changed by interactions with

  • institutions, with political systems, and so forth?

  • And so these are some of the questions that

  • people working in a symbolic interactionist

  • frame, working in an environmental space

  • have asked and have shed a lot of light on

  • environmental attitudes and environmental change.

  • Hello, I am Andrew Jorgenson, professor of sociology

  • and environment studies at Boston College, so I'm going

  • to talk briefly about world systems theory and I'm going

  • to focus particularly on the Christopher Chase-Dunn

  • approach to world systems theory, but first more broadly

  • I do want to mention that this kind of a larger tradition

  • with different perspectives within it and it's a tradition,

  • that's multidisciplinary, most of the founders of this

  • broader theory, and there's even a debate whether

  • this is a theory or a perspective and I really don't want

  • to engage in that right now, but there's a, but and its,

  • has its roots in historical sociology, Immanuel Wallerstein

  • is probably the most well-known world systems scholar

  • and so some of you've probably heard that name before,

  • you're probably more likely have heard that name rather

  • than Chase-Dunn, but I did not want to talk about

  • Chase-Dunn because I think that his work on the modern

  • world system has a lot of implications for sustainability

  • types of research, so a little bit about Chris Chase-Dunn,

  • he's a distinguished professor of sociology at University

  • of California Riverside and he's the director of what's

  • called the Institute for Research on World Systems

  • and he's the founder of the Journal of World Systems

  • Research, so he's really, takes this very seriously, and

  • one of the things that he's known for and it reminds me

  • of some of the questions that came up earlier today is

  • some of his other theoretical work that I'm not going to

  • really talk about in-depth, it's collaborative work with

  • Tom Hall, who's a sociologist and kind of a sociologist and

  • anthropologist, they've done some work on comparative

  • world systems, they're, they have a book called Rise

  • and Demise: Comparing World Systems which has been

  • really well received by archaeologists and anthropologists

  • and historians and that particular perspective is used

  • to analyze systems of societies throughout human

  • history, so going back to the pre-modern world.

  • Most world system scholars focus on what is

  • referred to as the modern world system, which

  • I'll focus on in particular in a minute, but a brief

  • definition, well, what is a world system?

  • Really from a systems perspective, we're

  • talking about a system of societies, we're

  • really talking about interaction networks.

  • Someone earlier today talked about interaction

  • networks of I think ecological interaction networks

  • I think was the concept that was brought up this

  • morning, well that really caught my attention because

  • Chase-Dunn uses this concept of interaction networks

  • to talk about interactions between a different scales

  • of social organization from the individual all the way up

  • to the international and the global, so we can broadly

  • think of a world system as a system of interactions

  • between humans at multiple scales from the local to

  • the global and the global though from world systems

  • perspective, pre-modern world system would be just

  • a system of societies that was sort of independent of

  • other exist, potentially existing systems of societies.

  • Now when we think of the modern world system though,

  • this is when we really do have a truly global social

  • system, I think this is something that we all kind of all

  • recognize and now there's an assumption about the

  • modern world system, this idea of the core/periphery

  • hierarchy that some of you've probably heard of.

  • Now this is an assumption for the modern world

  • system about a stratified interstate system; we have

  • this idea, of course, semi-periphery and periphery

  • nation states and you can think about it in terms

  • of international inequality from a multidimensional

  • perspective, but this assumption about the modern

  • world system is actually treated as an empirical

  • question in comparative world systems analysis

  • when you're comparing systems of societies

  • and different historical periods, but this is

  • an assumption of the modern world system.

  • Now Chase-Dunn's work on the modern world

  • system is theoretical work that is most, kind of

  • I think recognized influential as his work in a

  • book Global Formation and I highly recommend it.

  • It's, he draws a lot from political science and

  • macroeconomics and history in this as well and

  • in this theoretical work, he attempts to specify

  • these basic and normal operations of the system,

  • which allows for a lot of modeling and a lot of

  • hypothesis testing, which is something that has

  • come up in discussions today, so these structural

  • constants that are theorized to exist in the modern

  • world system are things that I think a lot of us

  • probably take for granted, this idea of we have a

  • capitalist world system, but I would say capitalisms,

  • the idea that we have multiple forms of capitalism

  • and that's something that's debated within the world

  • systems community, but Chase-Dunn, I would argue

  • that we do have multiple forms of capital, capitalism,

  • that a, sort of fluid type of constant in a sense.

  • We have this interstate system, something that

  • political scientists spend a lot of time studying,

  • so we have this idea of an interstate system that

  • is part of this stratified interstate system between

  • more powerful and less powerful nation states;

  • core powers and core nation states and more

  • peripheral nation states and one of the things that

  • is often overlooked in this perspective though is it's

  • assumed that this is primarily about just economic

  • power, but it's really about multiple forms of

  • power including geopolitics and military power

  • and that's something that Chase-Dunn greatly

  • emphasizes that I think has a lot of implications

  • for environment, society types of research.

  • So we have these systemic cycles; these are a bit

  • more controversial, so we have this thing called the

  • Kondratieff Wave; just think of these as large-scale

  • business cycles or other kinds as well and I had to be

  • honest, so I had to put this up there, but I wasn't all

  • that excited to talk about Kondratieff Waves because

  • I think that among these sorts of assumptions that

  • Chase-Dunn has put out there and others have put

  • out there, I think the Kondratieff Wave or the business

  • cycles, is one of the most controversial and debated

  • ones among world system scholars and other historical

  • social scientists, but you can think of these sort of

  • large-scale, sort of world economic cycles, an upward

  • trend and a downward trend and Kondratieff Waves

  • is one of them and then we have something called a

  • hegemonic sequence and some of, have argued that

  • Kondratieff Waves and had the hegemonic sequence

  • are interrelated in different sorts of ways; this is

  • something that's also debated, but the hegemonic

  • sequence is really this idea of the rise and fall of

  • global superpowers; you could think about it in

  • that context within the modern interstate system,

  • that we have this cycle of the rise and fall of kind

  • of a global core power, which is a nation state and

  • they tend to be powerful globally in the context of

  • economic power and military power, but there are

  • also qualitative differences in each of these cycles

  • that occurs that if you look throughout human history,

  • well I mean history, if you look through the last few

  • sorts of cycles of the hegemonic sequence, you'll

  • see that the global hegemon from this perspective

  • has things that are qualitatively unique to it that,

  • that'll make it different from prior global hegemons.

  • Okay, then we have these systemic trends and

  • all of these have been studied quite a bit using

  • statistical modeling techniques, trying to sort of

  • map these sorts of things out, this idea of the

  • expansion and deepening the commodity relations,

  • a lot of folks think about this in the context of

  • global production networks and there's a huge

  • school of social science on global commodity chains

  • that's directly tied to this, that has sort of had

  • a renaissance recently, it's getting quite popular.

  • Again, this idea of state formation that came up

  • earlier, the emergence of the power of states over

  • their populations has generally increased through

  • time, even though within these trends there might

  • be a long-term trend with different sorts of cycles,

  • so of course, you know, the emergence of states

  • and state power can be somewhat cyclical, but

  • the idea is there's sort of a longward upward trend;

  • the general increase size of economic enterprises

  • in general, that the big ones have gotten bigger.

  • This idea of international economic integration,

  • this is a fancy way of saying economic globalization

  • frankly, which I'll talk about more tomorrow.

  • The growing gap, this idea of the growing gap in

  • the context of international inequality between the

  • core and periphery, that depending on different

  • metrics that you look at you, you're likely to

  • see this growing gap between core and periphery.

  • And also this emergence of kind of global governance

  • and this is something that I think often gets overlooked,

  • this idea that we have this emerging and unfolding type

  • of international and then global governance and you can

  • sort of look at this historically, you know, these common

  • examples that are thrown out that the League of Nations,

  • the UN, the World Bank, the IMF and what I wanted to

  • say about this though based on some of the conversations

  • that had come up earlier, is this is also, I think shows where

  • this perspective overlaps with the world society tradition in

  • some important ways that was brought up earlier and it's

  • kind of a genealogy of these perspectives where Chase-

  • Dunn's mentor and advisor was John Meyer, who is the

  • founder of world society theory, who in turn had many

  • other successful students that have developed the world

  • society perspective and oftentimes world system theory

  • and world society theory are treated as being at great

  • odds with one another, but if you look at the Chase-Dunn

  • perspectives you'll see that actually they're really not

  • as at odds with one another as you might think and just,

  • I'll talk about this more tomorrow, but just to give some

  • validity to what I said about using historical quantitative

  • data to try to look at some of these long-term cycles and

  • trends, this top slide here is from a study of looking at,

  • historically, hegemonic rise and decline looking at historic

  • quantitative data on levels of economic development,

  • which is, there's a lot of, this is tricky stuff using data

  • like this going back centuries, but from this perspective

  • though there appears to be some general evidence of

  • sort of this cycle of a Dutch hegemony then a British

  • hegemony then U.S. hegemony and then there's been

  • a big debate within this perspective about have we had

  • another recent round of U.S. hegemony or have we had

  • something else, has the world sort of changed, perhaps

  • we're no longer going to have like a nation that's the

  • global hegemon, maybe we're going to have a regional

  • superpower now and then the bottom here, this is

  • looking at this idea of increasing global economic

  • integration looking at trade globalization through time

  • using some, a pretty creative methodology and also

  • counting for the size of domestic economies in the world

  • economy and how that shifts through time and looking

  • at trade relationships and when you do this though and

  • this really gets at a kind of an ongoing, well I guess

  • it's still an ongoing debate in the social sciences about

  • is globalization new or not and this type of a analysis

  • suggests that yeah it is, but at the same time in earlier

  • historical periods we had cycles of trade globalization

  • that peaked quite high and then declined and you sort

  • of see the time frame and you see that this is all, also

  • tied to, well the occurrence of some world wars too.

  • I'm Kristal Jones.

  • I'm an assistant research scientist here at SESYNC.

  • My background is in rural sociology, which there's

  • a range of discussion about whether that's really

  • sociology or something else or a sub-discipline or

  • whatever, but for the purposes of this presentation

  • we read all the same theory and from my perspective,

  • it is a sub-discipline of sociology focused on rural

  • issues and so for me, my interest in rural issues

  • and kind of rural economic and rural international

  • development issues has led me to some of the

  • contemporary theorists who come out of this or

  • who build on the kind of Marxian tradition and in

  • this conflict theory tradition, so if you think back to

  • Lori's slides this morning about the kind of schools

  • of thought and then that Tom continue to build

  • on of the classical theorists, conflict theory is really

  • an idea that originated with Marx and this idea

  • of class conflict, but now has been built upon by

  • a range of contemporary theorists to talk about

  • conflicts that exist based on social differences

  • and really categories of social difference and

  • often those different categories are defined by

  • different access to material resources or different

  • levels of access and levels of material resources.

  • So I'm going to talk briefly about Karl Polanyi,

  • who's already been mentioned, and who's actually

  • a bit more straightforward and then talk also

  • briefly about Bourdieu, who is less straightforward.

  • But Karl Polanyi is a bit of a bridge maybe between

  • classical and contemporary theory; he was born

  • in Hungary in the, or I guess he was born in

  • Austria, but he's Hungarian, in the late 1800s.

  • His sort of seminal work is a book called

  • The Great Transformation which he actually

  • wrote at Bennington College in the U.S.

  • in Vermont, which is sort of interesting.

  • He, like many thinkers I guess, at the end of the

  • 1800s in Europe fought in World War I and then

  • made his way west, so he went from Hungary

  • to Austria to the U.K. and eventually to the U.S.

  • and he ended up his professional career as a

  • professor of economics at Columbia University.

  • I don't really know, he has a law degree, so again he's

  • a, the sort of classical social thinker whose disciplinary

  • background doesn't necessarily help identify where they

  • ended up, but his ideas are really trying to articulate

  • alternative, understandings of alternative economic

  • systems and so The Great Transformation focuses on,

  • maybe not the political economy of World War I and II,

  • but more like political economy in the context of World

  • War I and World War II, so trying to understand

  • how the world in this capitalistic system that had been

  • hypothesized to create great stability ended up in two

  • world conflicts in the space of 20 years or 30 years.

  • And the basic, one of the key ideas in The Great

  • Transformation is this idea of the double movement,

  • which I think Tom alluded to earlier and it really

  • comes out of this idea in this frame of the conflict

  • school, the idea that the self-regulating market in

  • fact creates differences, social differences based

  • on material realities and then those differences will

  • create conflict and then as, sort of as a corollary

  • to that the internal logic of the capitalist system

  • is to maximize efficient use of inputs and so labor in

  • particular is one of those inputs, the maximal efficient

  • use of individual labor will lead to social exploitation.

  • That is socially not acceptable for moral or legal

  • or stability reasons, right, and so there actually

  • need to be law, politics, and morality that kind

  • of condition a self-regulating market, so a fully

  • self-regulating market with no kind of limits or

  • bounds or other kinds of structures would actually

  • self-destruct; it would both consume all of them,

  • all of the inputs or all of the inputs to production

  • and it would be socially sort of devastating to

  • create a bit of a sort of state of chaos, so he

  • had this idea of the double movement as the

  • back and forth between the logic of the market

  • playing out in the social space and society reacting

  • to the negative impacts of that logic and therefore

  • creating new types of structures and institutions.

  • And so moving from some of those ideas about what

  • are those institutions and those structures that are

  • built to kind of counteract these negative externalities.

  • His other main contribution, that came a bit later

  • in life when he was in the United States in an

  • economics department, was the idea of substantive

  • economics and it's actually been taken up a lot more

  • by economics, sociologists, and anthropologists,

  • although it was sort of generated in a sort of

  • more neoclassical economic space, but the idea of

  • substantive economics is that economy broadly is

  • an instituted process of interaction between man

  • and his environment and this is part of why I think

  • Polanyi is a really interesting theorist to use in the

  • socio-environmental space because I think he was

  • a lot of his sort of historical economic or economic

  • history work looked at both the natural and the social

  • environment within which economies are instituted,

  • and then the institutions that would be appropriate

  • and different both social and natural environments.

  • And so his idea of substantive economics really

  • is that there are distinct organizing principles of

  • economies and that utility or efficiency or maximization

  • are not the only principles that could organize a

  • system of exchange to meet material needs, that

  • there could be equity concerns that would be

  • dominant over efficiency, there could be redistribution,

  • there could be emphasis on community versus

  • individuals, so the different kind of internal logics

  • of a system are going to reflect the social or natural

  • environment within which that system is being

  • instituted by individual actions and that over time

  • structures that are created by those actions.

  • So that's Polanyi, in a nutshell, or at least a

  • few of his ideas and then, so another and

  • much bigger, much higher impact contemporary

  • theorists in the, who also comes out of this or

  • fits into this conflict school is Pierre Bourdieu,

  • who is a bit more contemporary, but is also

  • like the classical theorists has written voluminous

  • amounts and more in French that's not been

  • translated to English, so there's constantly new

  • things to read in English by Bourdieu, he didn't

  • die that long ago, so there's a lot of papers that

  • are still being put out, anyway, so I'm going to

  • touch on just a few of his key ideas, his sort of

  • classic masterpiece is a book called Distinction.

  • One of the things he's really interested in across

  • all of his work and particularly in this work,

  • the Distinction, is really trying to understand

  • social stratification and the different cate-, the,

  • so the differences across individuals and groups

  • of individuals, those categories being defined by

  • different access to material resources, but also

  • different access to power and that's really where

  • he again fits into this conflict theory frame where

  • there are differences in terms of the resources

  • people have access to, those resources are not

  • only material and those systems are not only

  • based on modes of production, but they're also

  • based on other types of capitals, so he really

  • takes this economic language and expands it out

  • to include not just economic capital or material

  • capital, land and labor, right, but also to include

  • other types of capital like social, cultural, and

  • symbolic capital, being the kind of key three.

  • And so his sort of framing of capitals are

  • that there are social categories that we,

  • that one can access depending on where

  • one starts from and that in turn gives one,

  • that gives one the ability to leverage further

  • power, so a really good example is if you

  • walk into a job interview wearing a suit,

  • that gives you a little bit of cultural capital,

  • if it's a situation where you're supposed to

  • be wearing a suit, like the economics meeting

  • where you're trying to get a job, right, you

  • wear a suit, you have some cultural capital

  • because in that cultural setting that's

  • expected and you can then leverage that

  • to start a conversation with the person

  • you're hoping's going to interview you.

  • If you're the same individual with the same

  • record and brilliant mind, but you walk in

  • wearing a hooded sweatshirt and cargo pants,

  • they're probably not going to give you the time

  • of day because you haven't sort of given them

  • that que, but really you haven't leveraged this,

  • you don't have the cultural capital, you haven't

  • leveraged this cultural space effectively, maybe

  • that's cause you don't have the money to do

  • that and then that comes back to this question

  • of what other resources do you have access to.

  • But the basic idea is that we have these different sort

  • of abstract worlds to which we can appeal differently

  • depending on where we come from and that in turn

  • gives us a leg up or not a leg up to continue to

  • change those sort of abstract or symbolic worlds.

  • And so again, this comes out of his interest in sort

  • of broadening out the universe of exchange from

  • only being about material exchange to being about

  • exchange of social relationships of cultural knowledge

  • or, for, in, the symbolic capital is more about things

  • like honor or bravery, it's a bit more lofty I suppose.

  • The other big idea, another big idea from Bourdieu,

  • there are few and this is only one more, is this idea

  • of habitus, which is very complex and I am not an

  • expert on it, so I'm not going to try to tease it all

  • apart, but the basic idea is that he again draws on

  • the dialectics that kind of do come out of the same

  • tradition that Marx and the conflict theories come

  • out of, this dialectic interaction between objective or

  • external reality and our internal subjective experience

  • of that reality and how over time that back and forth

  • mediates the structures within which we live and

  • then how we therefore experience our lived reality

  • and so it is this back and forth that helps to kind of,

  • this is why he's a bit of an integrative contemporary

  • theorist because he's trying to pull together the

  • structure and agency or the objective and subjective

  • both in theory and also then a lot for sociologists and

  • for social scientists, there's a lot, he writes a lot about

  • how to do that methodologically and that's part of why

  • I think it's a fairly interesting perspective to include.

  • Music

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