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  • So Alasdair, we're talking maps today,

  • and we're also talking inequality

  • which is a big word in the election manifestos this year.

  • But in fact, when we talk about mapping inequality

  • that's not a new thing.

  • It's been done before.

  • So who was the first to do it?

  • Well, the first person really to do this on a large scale

  • was Charles Booth in Victorian London.

  • And his study of life and labour of the people of London is

  • really the main one people look to as the first.

  • So people think of him almost as the first social scientist

  • because of it.

  • We've got one of his maps here, which

  • is looking at the area of Whitechapel in London.

  • And just looking at it, it looks like a really normal sort

  • of street map except there's colours everywhere.

  • What do the colours show us?

  • The colours indicate the social class of the individuals who

  • live in these different buildings.

  • So, for example, along Whitechapel Road,

  • we can see Charles Booth's category

  • as identifying these people as well-to-do, middle class.

  • Whereas, if you just turn off to a side street,

  • all of a sudden you see different categories.

  • Very poor or poor or even the lowest class on his map,

  • which he at the time dubbed "vicious, semi-criminal."

  • These category labels are fascinating because they

  • say a lot about attitudes towards the impoverished

  • at the time perhaps.

  • So, in Victorian London going to talk

  • about this cheek by jowl index that you've developed later.

  • But in Victorian London, according to Booth,

  • prosperity was always just a little turn away

  • from chronic want and chronic need.

  • Exactly.

  • That's what you see.

  • You don't have to go too far off the main thoroughfares

  • before you suddenly have these intense areas of poverty.

  • How did he collect this information?

  • Well, unlike today, where we'd probably just quickly download

  • the data and map it, he had to get out and about

  • and use up a lot of shoe leather, also

  • a team of researchers with essentially clipboards

  • and notebooks surveying most of inner London

  • effectively, speaking to residents, taking notes.

  • And obviously all this is all online now for us to use,

  • but very much a data-driven exercise,

  • but collected through hard work.

  • So actually given the inequality's

  • mentioned in all of these political manifestos

  • for the election, it's actually quite a timely thing

  • to have delivered this look at inequality

  • across the whole of England.

  • Yeah.

  • I mean, when we started this project about 18 months ago,

  • of course, we had no idea there would

  • be an election anytime soon.

  • But it has coincided with this, and obviously the manifestos

  • mention inequality.

  • So yeah, it's quite timely, we think.

  • So if we fast forward from the Victorian era

  • and look at the outcomes of your work

  • at the University of Sheffield, what is this map showing us?

  • This is a map of the whole of England broken down

  • into travel to work areas.

  • So each individual area, like London here,

  • is effectively a commuter zone.

  • So people travel within these to work,

  • and these boundaries contain local labour markets.

  • Another example would be up in Liverpool,

  • where you have Liverpool on The Wirral as one local labour

  • market, or Berwick, where the local labour market area goes

  • across into Scotland across the border.

  • So you deliberately didn't use things

  • like parliamentary constituencies

  • and local authority areas because they don't necessarily

  • reflect day-to-day human life in the way that these areas do.

  • Because if I pick any one of these areas.

  • So if I pick Hull here, this area

  • is defined like it is because most of the people who

  • live here work here.

  • That's right?

  • That's exactly right.

  • It's what we call self-contained.

  • It's a self-contained labour market area.

  • So that explains what the areas are.

  • What do the colours mean?

  • This particular measure of inequality

  • relates to how closely packed together

  • people of the same kind of socio-economic class are.

  • The darker colours indicate where people who are more

  • similar live closer together.

  • And the lighter colours is the opposite.

  • So in the lighter areas, that's where we're saying

  • there's a big contrast between the people who live within

  • those areas - if you like, it could be the haves

  • and the have-nots?

  • Yeah, exactly.

  • Why do we care about this?

  • I mean, why does this matter, do you think?

  • There is a number of reasons.

  • So it could be just to do with the provision of services.

  • Another good reason for caring about inequality

  • would be to do with the political fallout right

  • and how that feeds into the electoral process, which

  • we've probably seen in the last few years.

  • OK, does that mean the areas that are dark,

  • where there's relatively little inequality -

  • these darker patches here across the north, over in Cornwall

  • and the southwest over here in Lincolnshire

  • - are we saying that in those darker areas

  • that they're not problem areas?

  • Well, there is a couple of ways of looking at it.

  • One would be to say inequality here is not a problem.

  • But the other, and I think more plausible,

  • explanation would be that inequality is not necessarily

  • the issue but absolute poverty across the board.

  • So what we have is relatively equal but quite poor.

  • There's no inequality because everyone's poor.

  • That's probably not...

  • Yeah, it's probably not what we're aiming for.

  • ...what you're aiming for, OK.

  • So we were fascinated by this map when we first looked at it

  • because if we look at just the lightest coloured areas

  • on the map, that's the top 20 most unequal areas in England,

  • according to this data.

  • So if we base it on just the proximity of the haves

  • and the have-nots living cheek by jowl,

  • much in the way that we just looked at with the Charles

  • Booth map of Whitechapel, these areas

  • here are the top 20 for inequality in England.

  • So we have unsurprisingly, I suppose, London is here...

  • most of these areas are actually Midlands

  • and to the north of England, with one big exception

  • being in the south we have the Portsmouth travel

  • to work area here is showing up as highly unequal.

  • This particular measure of inequality

  • generally picks out places in the Midlands

  • and north of England, which your traditional centres

  • of manufacturing, your ex-industrial locations are at.

  • For example, if you look at somewhere

  • like Barrow-in-Furness travel to work area,

  • or you look at somewhere like Blackpool or even

  • Sheffield's travel to work area, or Hull,

  • these are areas of traditional industry, where worker housing

  • was packed very tightly together, much like in the way

  • it was in those Charles Booth maps.

  • So that's really interesting because, for me

  • - and I'll have to reveal a personal fact here

  • - I grew up in the Portsmouth area.

  • And one of the things when I was growing up

  • is that people always used to describe the Portsmouth

  • area as a northern city transplanted

  • to the south coast.

  • So it's fascinating to see it coming out here

  • at the national level.

  • Let's take a look - and because I'm biased

  • - we're going to have a look at this Portsmouth travel

  • to work area and see what's really going on there.

  • So what we've got here, first of all...

  • just to show you that we're zooming in... so we've got some

  • satellite imagery here of the wider Portsmouth area.

  • So we're zoomed quite in.

  • Even on this satellite image, we can see roads and so on.

  • But what we can do is if we take a layer...

  • effectively this is your map zoomed in...

  • we can see that actually this Portsmouth travel

  • to work area, which is this big yellow area here,

  • it actually extends quite a long way.

  • And in fact, it's a peculiar shape

  • because it's quite tall but quite narrow.

  • And I know that that's actually a good thing,

  • as far as the commuting patterns are concerned.

  • Because knowing this area, I know

  • that there is a motorway going up here,

  • and that this is actually a commuting corridor

  • and that there's not as much travel across.

  • So that validates the geography.

  • But what we're really interested in doing now is looking

  • at the neighbourhood level information that allowed you

  • to make this area bright yellow.

  • So let's bring in this neighbourhood level information

  • for the Portsmouth area.

  • And this is the first time that we really start to capture some

  • of the neighbourhood level gradients in income deprivation

  • that allowed you to decide which areas of the country were more

  • unequal than others.

  • Again, let's think about the colour.

  • The colour is now not showing us the inequality, is it?

  • The colour is now showing us the actual level of deprivation.

  • That's right.

  • So the individual areas are these 32,000 areas,

  • neighbourhood level, about 1,600 people or so.

  • That's these very small individual pockets of colour.

  • They're individual neighbourhoods.

  • They're individual neighbourhoods essentially.

  • And what we see here is a lighter colour.

  • So the lighter colours here are areas that score more highly

  • on the deprivation index.

  • And at the other end of the scale,

  • generally you'll find these in the suburban areas;

  • the darkest colours on the map, the least deprived area.

  • So they're really usually quite affluent neighbourhoods.

  • Going back to what you were saying

  • about the traditional patterns.

  • So this is Portsmouth city centre over here.

  • The idea that you've actually got high levels of deprivation

  • in the city centre, gradually getting a little more affluent

  • as you spread out into much more affluent rural areas.

  • That's a repeating pattern across the country.

  • Exactly.

  • That's generally what we see everywhere.

  • OK, one of the things that fascinated me knowing about

  • this area, though, is that in the Portsmouth travel to work

  • area you don't just have the city centre area deprived.

  • You've actually got an area called Paulsgrove up here,

  • which is also coming out as quite highly deprived

  • for income, but also this area up here.

  • Now, this is the area in the north, of Havant-,

  • the town of Havant, which is part of this commuting

  • corridor.

  • This is the Leigh Park Estate.

  • So there's two points here which are in the most deprived

  • 10 per cent in national terms, which is Leigh Park and then

  • a part of Leigh Park called Warren Park.

  • You have these multiple pockets of deprivation surrounded

  • by much more affluence.

  • And these areas are not far away from each other.

  • The thing that struck me when I looked at this data

  • for the first time was that this darkest colour here suggests

  • that this is the most affluent 10 per cent,

  • in nationwide terms, bordering areas that are in the most

  • deprived percentiles of the country.

  • That's the essence of your spatial inequality?

  • That's right.

  • So traditionally, you'd just expect

  • to see a geographical gradient, where you don't really

  • get these extremes next to each other.

  • There's a number of reasons why you might get that.

  • Sometimes it's brownfield land where new housing is being put,

  • and maybe that's more luxury housing, luxury flats.

  • And we've seen a lot of that over the last 20 years.

  • But occasionally what you get is a really steep social gradient,

  • and sometimes it's because of a road like you can see here.

  • Or it might be a river or a railway line,

  • something like that.

  • So there'll be some physical separation,

  • even though they might...

  • Usually.

  • ...be close to each other.

  • Now, that takes me again back to Booth because when Booth

  • carried out his two surveys 10 years apart,

  • one of the things that he said was that actually neighbourhood