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  • >>male presenter: First off, I'd like to thank everybody for coming. I think it's a cool

  • topic that will be of interest to a lot of us. My name is Mark Rivera. I'm with the People

  • and Innovation Lab at Google. We spend a lot of time thinking about what makes people at

  • Google--all of us--happy and productive.

  • And so, we are very pleased to have Dr. Sheena Iyengar here, who is one of the foremost experts

  • on a really broad topic. That is, choice--how people make choices and what happens to us

  • when we're faced with an overload of choices, which, I think, it's safe to say all of us

  • usually are. To demonstrate this, we just took her to lunch at Charlie's.

  • [laughter]

  • One of the difficult choices we face on a day-to-day basis. Sheena wrote a book called

  • "The Art of Choosing," which has been an extraordinary hit. Amazon, in 2010, it was one of the best

  • books of Amazon.

  • It was the finalist for the Financial Times Book of the Year. Her work has been covered

  • in the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, books like Malcolm Gladwell's "Blink." She's

  • been a guest on CNN, CNBC, CBS, and now at Tech Talk at Google. So, please join me in

  • welcoming Sheena.

  • [applause and cheer]

  • [pause]

  • >>Sheena Iyengar: Well, thank you for having me here today. This is my first time ever

  • coming to Google. And the place really is quite cool, particularly when you see those,

  • the volleyball pit. It was really quite cool. And when I went to Charlie's, I actually commented

  • to my assistant that there really are some benefits to being blind given that I couldn't

  • see all the choices. So, I didn't actually--.

  • [laughter]

  • So, as you know, I have been studying choice now for about 20 years. And I essentially

  • look at three big questions--and those are all covered in the book--which is why do we

  • want choice? What are some of the things that affect how and what we choose?

  • And what are some things that we can do to improve our choosing experiences and choice

  • outcomes? Now today, I'm going to talk about a particular modern day dilemma that has to

  • do with choice. And this dilemma is, perhaps, the biggest dilemma that we all face today.

  • And it relates to all three of these questions.

  • Now, as I talk about this modern day dilemma, I'm going to need your help. So, there's going

  • to be times when I'm gonna have some questions for you and I'm gonna wanna know your answers.

  • So, since I'm blind, when I ask you a quick question, only raise your hands if you wanna

  • burn off some calories.

  • [laughter]

  • Otherwise, when I ask you a question, I'd appreciate it if you'd, if your answer is

  • "yes" just clap your hands. So, are you ready to hear about the modern day dilemma of choice?

  • [clapping]

  • Thank you. So, this dilemma that I'm referring to has been referred to by many, many different

  • names now over the years. It's been studied now for over ten years. The first time I got

  • wind of the fact that it was actually being referred to by many different names was when

  • I met the head of Fidelity Research.

  • And he described to me this problem. In fact, he was describing to me my own study--not

  • that he knew that--and then he even gave me some slides that described this problem very

  • well. They were actually better than my slides, so I just took them.

  • [chuckles]

  • And he called it the "narrow it down" problem. Then there was the time when I met with senior

  • management in McKinsey and they described the same problem, the same study, the same

  • results. And they had an internal memo, which they titled, "The Three by Three Rule."

  • Now, my favorite description of this particular problem was the one offered by Rush Limbaugh.

  • He said it was the stuff of pointy headed intellectuals that didn't know the first thing

  • about the marketplace. Now, I figured I was in good company if I was being skewered by

  • Rush Limbaugh. You have probably heard about this problem.

  • It's most often referred to in the media as the "jam" problem. It was first identified

  • and discovered right here in the Bay Area, in the South Bay. So, I wanna now tell you

  • the real story behind the jam problem. When I was a PhD student at Stanford University,

  • I used to go to this upscale grocery store. And it was called Draeger's.

  • In those days, it was a rather unusual store. I mean, nowadays, you have stores like it

  • all over the country. In those days, it was truly unique. You went there. There were 250

  • different kinds of mustards and vinegars and mayonnaise. Over 500 different kinds of fruits

  • and vegetables. They even had 12 different kinds of bottled water.

  • Of course, I noticed you guys had three different kinds here at Charlie's cafe. I mean, who

  • even thought of--. I mean, distinguishing between water. Here is their olive oil aisle.

  • They had 75 different kinds of extra virgin olive oil, including those that were in a

  • locked case that came from a thousand year old olive trees.

  • [laughter]

  • Now, I used to go to this store. I liked going to this store. And one day, I asked myself

  • a rather strange question. How come you never buy anything? Now, true. I was a poor graduate

  • student, but I could afford some things in that store. So, I decided to pay a visit to

  • the manager. And I asked him whether this model of offering people all these choices

  • was really working.

  • And he pointed at the bus-loads of tourists, usually with cameras in hand, and said, "Yeah.

  • It's working." We decided to do a little experiment. We chose Wilken and Sons, it’s a jam. Oh.

  • Here's the jam aisle. And they had 348 different kinds of jam. We chose Wilken and Sons, the

  • Queen of England's brand, to do our little experiment with.

  • So, we set up a tasting booth right near the entrance of the store. We either put out six

  • different flavors jam, or 24 different flavors of jam. And now we measured two things. First,

  • in which case were people, entering in the store passing by, more likely to stop and

  • sample some jam? Second, in which case were people more likely to take the opportunity

  • and use the coupon that we just gave them for free--giving them one dollar off of a

  • bottle of jam--in which case are they more likely to buy a jar of jam?

  • Now, more people stopped when there were 24--60 percent--as compared to when there were six--40

  • percent. Well, when it came down to buying behavior, we saw the opposite effect. Of the

  • people who stopped when there were 24, only three percent of them actually bought a jar

  • of jam. Now, by contrast, of the people who stopped when there were six, 30 percent of

  • them actually bought a jar of jam.

  • Now, if you do the math, people were at least six times more likely to buy a jar of jam

  • if they encountered six than if they encountered 24. So, although people were more attracted

  • to the larger display, when it came down to actually making a choice, they were more likely

  • to choose when they saw fewer than when they saw more.

  • Now, that study was published in 2000. And since then, there's been over a decade of

  • research that has looked at this jam problem, which I'm gonna call the "choice overload"

  • problem, across many, many domains. Jams to chocolates to speed dating to any kind of

  • dating type choices, political choices, investment choices, health care choices, job search choices,

  • in lots of different domains of choice, ranging from the trivial to the consequential.

  • And essentially, we observed three negative consequences of offering people too much choice.

  • I'm gonna summarize these results. And keep in mind that while I'm biased towards describing

  • you results from my studies, many of my colleagues in the field have also looked at this phenomenon.

  • First, consequence.

  • The more choices people have the more likely they are to delay or procrastinate. Now, this

  • is a good thing when the choice is whether or not to buy jam. That's probably really

  • good for my waistline. The problem is that we delay and procrastinate even when it goes

  • against our best self-interest. So, I'm gonna give you one case of a situation where clearly,

  • we should not be delaying or procrastinating.

  • At least most of us would agree with that. Let's take the specific case of retirement

  • savings decisions. I had an opportunity to do a project with Vanguard. We looked at 800

  • thousand Americans from 657 institutions, drawn from 64 different industries. And we

  • looked at whether the number of funds offered in a retirement savings program--the 401K

  • plan--was correlated with participation rates.

  • And we found that it was. So, here's a snapshot of the graph. So, for plans that offered you

  • about a handful of choices, participation rates, some were in the 70th percentile. Still

  • not great. But by the time you got to plans that offered you 60 options, participation

  • rates had dropped to about 60 percent. Notice how the big trend in retirement savings industry

  • now is to reduce, reduce, reduce.

  • Bring it down to about three options. So, first consequence. The more choices people

  • have, more likely they are to delay and procrastinate even when it goes against their best self-interest.

  • Second consequence. The more choices people have, the more likely they are to make inferior

  • choices, worse choices.

  • So, let's just stick to the 401K decision. The more choices people have, even when you

  • look at the people that actually chose to participate, the more choices they had, the

  • more likely they were to put all their money in money market accounts. We all know that's

  • a dumb decision. That doesn't even grow at the rate of inflation.

  • The more choices they had, the more likely they were to entirely avoid equities. We all

  • know that when you're talking about long-term financial growth, that doesn't make sense.

  • Sure, in a one-off bad year, but not from a long-term future financial perspective.

  • We also know that the more choices people have, the more likely they are to exhibit

  • inconsistent preferences.

  • And that happens even on important domains like romantic choices, job search choices.

  • Third consequence. The more choices people have, the more likely they are to be less

  • satisfied with that which they have chosen. Why? Because you're constantly saying, "What

  • if?"

  • [laughter]

  • So, here's one of my favorite examples--just because food's on the mind right now. So,

  • imagine either being shown six different kinds of Godiva chocolate or 30 different kinds

  • of Godiva chocolate. And the only thing you have to do is pick a chocolate, eat it, tell

  • me how delicious it is. Turns out, the same chocolate selected from six is regarded as

  • less, as more delicious than when it was chosen from 30. Now, how anybody could consider any

  • chocolate less delicious is beyond me, but--.

  • [laughter]

  • As they're walking out the door, now here they had this wonderful experience. They got

  • to eat a free chocolate. As they're walking out the door, they now have a choice. They

  • can either get paid for this highly entertaining activity or they could get a free box of chocolate.

  • The people who saw six were four times more likely to go for a free box of chocolate,

  • more satisfied with the choice.

  • So, why do we experience choice overload? Right? After all, the more choices we have,

  • the more opportunities we have to find the best choice, the perfect match. Well, let's

  • now think about the causes of choice overload. We've always known that our eyes are too big

  • for our stomachs, but it turns out that our eyes are too big for our minds as well.

  • We have cognitive limitations. In 1956, the famous psychologist George Miller, came out

  • with a very simple idea. And that idea still holds true today. He came out with this paper

  • called "The Magical Number Seven, Plus or Minus Two." Very simple idea. We keep wanting

  • to attack this idea and say, "No, it's too simplistic."

  • But it keeps coming up. And here's how the idea goes: We have some basic limitations

  • of our brains. If I ask you to rank order from best to worst for a whole bunch of things--taste,

  • smells, looks of things--no matter what it is, beyond about seven, I just get confused.

  • Things I thought I liked better, I like less well and vice versa.

  • If I ask you to keep track of some things in your minds--words, numbers, pictures--and

  • I don't give you the opportunity to rehearse or memorize that information, beyond about