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  • Speaker: Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen,

  • history is more than the path left by the past.

  • It influences the present and can shape the future.

  • We meet today in Westminster Hall,

  • a building begun 900 years ago when the Vikings were visiting

  • the shores of what would become the United States,

  • even if it was Columbus who would subsequently demonstrate

  • the politician's art of arriving late,

  • but claiming all the credit.

  • (laughter)

  • This hall has witnessed grim trials in the sentencing to

  • death of a king, coronation banquets, ceremonial addresses,

  • and the coffins of those receiving the last respects of

  • our people.

  • Few places reach so far into the heart of our nation.

  • Yet until today, no American president has stood on these

  • steps to address our country's Parliament.

  • It is my honor, Mr. President, to welcome you as our friend and

  • as a statesman.

  • Statesmanship is the cement which seals our shared idealism

  • as nations.

  • It makes meaningful the unity of ambition, passion for freedom,

  • and abhorrence of injustice that is the call of our

  • close alliance.

  • It has fallen to you to tackle economic turbulence at home,

  • to protect the health of those without wealth,

  • and to seek that precious balance between security which

  • is too often threatened, and human rights which are too

  • often denied.

  • History is not the burden of any one man or woman alone.

  • But some are called to meet a special share of

  • it's challenges.

  • It is a duty that you discharge with a dignity, determination,

  • and distinction that are widely admired.

  • Abraham Lincoln once observed that nearly all men can

  • stand adversity.

  • But if you want to test a man's character, give him power.

  • Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States

  • of America, Barack Obama.

  • (applause)

  • President Obama: Thank you very much.

  • (applause)

  • Thank you very much.

  • Thank you.

  • (applause)

  • Thank you.

  • (applause)

  • Thank you so much.

  • (applause)

  • My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, my lords,

  • and members of the House of Commons:

  • I have known few greater honors than the opportunity to address

  • the Mother of Parliaments at Westminster Hall.

  • I am told that the last three speakers here have been the

  • Pope, Her Majesty the Queen, and Nelson Mandela --

  • which is either a very high bar or the beginning of a very

  • funny joke.

  • (laughter)

  • I come here today to reaffirm one of the oldest,

  • one of the strongest alliances the world has ever known.

  • It's long been said that the United States and the United

  • Kingdom share a special relationship.

  • And since we also share an especially active press corps,

  • that relationship is often analyzed and overanalyzed

  • for the slightest hint of stress or strain.

  • Of course, all relationships have their ups and downs.

  • Admittedly, ours got off on the wrong foot with a small scrape

  • about tea and taxes.

  • (laughter)

  • There may also have been some hurt feelings when the

  • White House was set on fire during the War of 1812.

  • (laughter)

  • But fortunately, it's been smooth sailing ever since.

  • The reason for this close friendship doesn't just have

  • to do with our shared history, our shared heritage;

  • our ties of language and culture;

  • or even the strong partnership between our governments.

  • Our relationship is special because of the values and

  • beliefs that have united our people through the ages.

  • Centuries ago, when kings, emperors,

  • and warlords reigned over much of the world,

  • it was the English who first spelled out the rights and

  • liberties of man in the Magna Carta.

  • It was here, in this very hall, where the rule of law first

  • developed, courts were established,

  • disputes were settled, and citizens came to petition

  • their leaders.

  • Over time, the people of this nation waged a long and

  • sometimes bloody struggle to expand and secure their

  • freedom from the crown.

  • Propelled by the ideals of the Enlightenment,

  • they would ultimately forge an English Bill of Rights,

  • and invest the power to govern in an elected parliament that's

  • gathered here today.

  • What began on this island would inspire millions throughout the

  • continent of Europe and across the world.

  • But perhaps no one drew greater inspiration from these notions

  • of freedom than your rabble-rousing colonists

  • on the other side of the Atlantic.

  • As Winston Churchill said, the "...Magna Carta,

  • the Bill of Rights, Habeas Corpus, trial by jury,

  • and English common law find their most famous expression in

  • the American Declaration of Independence."

  • For both of our nations, living up to the ideals enshrined in

  • these founding documents has sometimes been difficult,

  • has always been a work in progress.

  • The path has never been perfect.

  • But through the struggles of slaves and immigrants,

  • women and ethnic minorities, former colonies and persecuted

  • religions, we have learned better than most that the

  • longing for freedom and human dignity is not English or

  • American or Western -- it is universal,

  • and it beats in every heart.

  • Perhaps that's why there are few nations that stand firmer,

  • speak louder, and fight harder to defend democratic values

  • around the world than the United States and the United Kingdom.

  • We are the allies who landed at Omaha and Gold,

  • who sacrificed side by side to free a continent from the march

  • of tyranny, and help prosperity flourish from the ruins of war.

  • And with the founding of NATO -- a British idea --

  • we joined a transatlantic alliance that has ensured our

  • security for over half a century.

  • Together with our allies, we forged a lasting peace

  • from a cold war.

  • When the Iron Curtain lifted, we expanded our alliance to include

  • the nations of Central and Eastern Europe,

  • and built new bridges to Russia and the former states of the

  • Soviet Union.

  • And when there was strife in the Balkans,

  • we worked together to keep the peace.

  • Today, after a difficult decade that began with war and ended in

  • recession, our nations have arrived at a pivotal moment

  • once more.

  • A global economy that once stood on the brink of depression is

  • now stable and recovering.

  • After years of conflict, the United States has removed

  • 100,000 troops from Iraq, the United Kingdom has removed its

  • forces, and our combat mission there has ended.

  • In Afghanistan, we've broken the Taliban's momentum and will soon

  • begin a transition to Afghan lead.

  • And nearly 10 years after 9/11, we have disrupted terrorist

  • networks and dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader

  • -- Osama bin Laden.

  • Together, we have met great challenges.

  • But as we enter this new chapter in our shared history,

  • profound challenges stretch out before us.

  • In a world where the prosperity of all nations is now

  • inextricably linked, a new era of cooperation is required to

  • ensure the growth and stability of the global economy.

  • As new threats spread across borders and oceans,

  • we must dismantle terrorist networks and stop the spread

  • of nuclear weapons, confront climate change and combat

  • famine and disease.

  • And as a revolution races through the streets of the

  • Middle East and North Africa, the entire world has a stake

  • in the aspirations of a generation that longs to

  • determine its own destiny.

  • These challenges come at a time when the international order has

  • already been reshaped for a new century.

  • Countries like China, India, and Brazil are growing by

  • leaps and bounds.

  • We should welcome this development,

  • for it has lifted hundreds of millions from poverty around

  • the globe, and created new markets and opportunities

  • for our own nations.

  • And yet, as this rapid change has taken place,

  • it's become fashionable in some quarters to question whether the

  • rise of these nations will accompany the decline of

  • American and European influence around the world.

  • Perhaps, the argument goes, these nations represent the

  • future, and the time for our leadership has passed.

  • That argument is wrong.

  • The time for our leadership is now.

  • It was the United States and the United Kingdom and our

  • democratic allies that shaped a world in which new nations could

  • emerge and individuals could thrive.

  • And even as more nations take on the responsibilities of global

  • leadership, our alliance will remain indispensable to the goal

  • of a century that is more peaceful,

  • more prosperous and more just.

  • At a time when threats and challenges require nations

  • to work in concert with one another,

  • we remain the greatest catalysts for global action.

  • In an era defined by the rapid flow of commerce and

  • information, it is our free market tradition, our openness,

  • fortified by our commitment to basic security for our citizens,

  • that offers the best chance of prosperity that is both

  • strong and shared.

  • As millions are still denied their basic human rights because

  • of who they are, or what they believe,

  • or the kind of government that they live under,

  • we are the nations most willing to stand up for the values of

  • tolerance and self-determination that lead to peace and dignity.

  • Now, this doesn't mean we can afford to stand still.

  • The nature of our leadership will need to change with the times.

  • As I said the first time I came to London as President,

  • for the G20 summit, the days are gone when Roosevelt and

  • Churchill could sit in a room and solve the world's problems

  • over a glass of brandy -- although I'm sure that Prime

  • Minister Cameron would agree that some days we could both

  • use a stiff drink.

  • (laughter)

  • In this century, our joint leadership will require

  • building new partnerships, adapting to new circumstances,

  • and remaking ourselves to meet the demands of a new era.

  • That begins with our economic leadership.

  • Adam Smith's central insight remains true today: There is no

  • greater generator of wealth and innovation than a system of free

  • enterprise that unleashes the full potential of individual

  • men and women.

  • That's what led to the Industrial Revolution that began

  • in the factories of Manchester.

  • That is what led to the dawn of the Information Age that arose

  • from the office parks of Silicon Valley.

  • That's why countries like China, India and Brazil are growing so

  • rapidly -- because in fits and starts,

  • they are moving toward market-based principles that

  • the United States and the United Kingdom have always embraced.

  • In other words, we live in a global economy that is largely

  • of our own making.

  • And today, the competition for the best jobs and industries

  • favors countries that are free-thinking and

  • forward-looking; countries with the most creative and innovative

  • and entrepreneurial citizens.

  • That gives nations like the United States and the United

  • Kingdom an inherent advantage.

  • For from Newton and Darwin to Edison and Einstein,

  • from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs, we have led the world in our

  • commitment to science and cutting-edge research,

  • the discovery of new medicines and technologies.

  • We educate our citizens and train our workers in the best

  • colleges and universities on Earth.

  • But to maintain this advantage in a world that's more

  • competitive than ever, we will have to redouble our investments

  • in science and engineering, and renew our national commitments

  • to educating our workforces.

  • We've also been reminded in the last few years that markets can

  • sometimes fail.

  • In the last century, both our nations put in place regulatory

  • frameworks to deal with such market failures -- safeguards

  • to protect the banking system after the Great Depression,

  • for example; regulations that were established to prevent the

  • pollution of our air and our water during the 1970s.

  • But in today's economy, such threats of market failure can

  • no longer be contained within the borders of any one country.

  • Market failures can go global, and go viral,

  • and demand international responses.

  • A financial crisis that began on Wall Street infected nearly

  • every continent, which is why we must keep working through forums

  • like the G20 to put in place global rules of the road to

  • prevent future excesses and abuse.

  • No country can hide from the dangers of carbon pollution,

  • which is why we must build on what was achieved at Copenhagen

  • and Cancun to leave our children a planet that

  • is safer and cleaner.

  • Moreover, even when the free market works as it should,

  • both our countries recognize that no matter how responsibly

  • we live in our lives, hard times or bad luck,

  • a crippling illness or a layoff may strike any one of us.

  • And so part of our common tradition has expressed itself

  • in a conviction that every citizen deserves a basic measure

  • of security -- health care if you get sick,

  • unemployment insurance if you lose your job,

  • a dignified retirement after a lifetime of hard work.

  • That commitment to our citizens has also been the reason for our

  • leadership in the world.

  • And now, having come through a terrible recession,

  • our challenge is to meet these obligations while ensuring that

  • we're not consuming -- and hence consumed -- with a level of debt

  • that could sap the strength and vitality of our economies.

  • And that will require difficult choices and it will require

  • different paths for both of our countries.

  • But we have faced such challenges before,

  • and have always been able to balance the need for fiscal

  • responsibility with the responsibilities we have

  • to one another.

  • And I believe we can do this again.

  • As we do, the successes and failures of our own past can

  • serve as an example for emerging economies -- that it's possible

  • to grow without polluting; that lasting prosperity comes not

  • from what a nation consumes, but from what it produces,

  • and from the investments it makes in its people

  • and its infrastructure.

  • And just as we must lead on behalf of the prosperity of

  • our citizens, so we must safeguard their security.

  • Our two nations know what it is to confront evil in the world.

  • Hitler's armies would not have stopped their killing had we not

  • fought them on the beaches and on the landing grounds,

  • in the fields and on the streets.

  • We must never forget that there was nothing inevitable about our

  • victory in that terrible war.

  • It was won through the courage and character of our people.

  • Precisely because we are willing to bear its burden,

  • we know well the cost of war.

  • And that is why we built an alliance that was strong enough

  • to defend this continent while deterring our enemies.

  • At its core, NATO is rooted in the simple concept of Article

  • Five: that no NATO nation will have to fend on its own;

  • that allies will stand by one another, always.

  • And for six decades, NATO has been the most successful

  • alliance in human history.

  • Today, we confront a different enemy.

  • Terrorists have taken the lives of our citizens in New York and

  • in London.

  • And while al Qaeda seeks a religious war with the West,

  • we must remember that they have killed thousands of Muslims --

  • men, women and children -- around the globe.

  • Our nations are not and will never be at war with Islam.

  • Our fight is focused on defeating al Qaeda and

  • its extremist allies.

  • In that effort, we will not relent,

  • as Osama bin Laden and his followers have learned.

  • And as we fight an enemy that respects no law of war,

  • we will continue to hold ourselves to a higher standard

  • -- by living up to the values, the rule of law and due process

  • that we so ardently defend.

  • For almost a decade, Afghanistan has been a central front of

  • these efforts.

  • Throughout those years, you, the British people,

  • have been a stalwart ally, along with so many others who fight by

  • our side.

  • Together, let us pay tribute to all of our men and women who

  • have served and sacrificed over the last several years -- for

  • they are part of an unbroken line of heroes who have borne

  • the heaviest burden for the freedoms that we enjoy.

  • Because of them, we have broken the Taliban's momentum.

  • Because of them, we have built the capacity of

  • Afghan security forces.

  • And because of them, we are now preparing to turn a corner in

  • Afghanistan by transitioning to Afghan lead.

  • And during this transition, we will pursue a lasting peace with

  • those who break free of al Qaeda and respect the Afghan

  • constitution and lay down arms.

  • And we will ensure that Afghanistan is never a safe

  • haven for terror, but is instead a country that is strong,

  • sovereign, and able to stand on its own two feet.

  • Indeed, our efforts in this young century have led us to

  • a new concept for NATO that will give us the capabilities needed

  • to meet new threats -- threats like terrorism and piracy,

  • cyber attacks and ballistic missiles.

  • But a revitalized NATO will continue to hew to that original

  • vision of its founders, allowing us to rally collective action

  • for the defense of our people, while building upon the broader

  • belief of Roosevelt and Churchill that all nations

  • have both rights and responsibilities,

  • and all nations share a common interest in an international

  • architecture that maintains the peace.

  • We also share a common interest in stopping the spread of

  • nuclear weapons.

  • Across the globe, nations are locking down nuclear materials

  • so they never fall into the wrong hands -- because

  • of our leadership.

  • From North Korea to Iran, we've sent a message that those who

  • flaunt their obligations will face consequences -- which is

  • why America and the European Union just recently strengthened

  • our sanctions on Iran, in large part because of the leadership

  • of the United Kingdom and the United States.

  • And while we hold others to account,

  • we will meet our own obligations under the Non-Proliferation

  • Treaty, and strive for a world without nuclear weapons.

  • We share a common interest in resolving conflicts that prolong

  • human suffering and threaten to tear whole regions asunder.

  • In Sudan, after years of war and thousands of deaths,

  • we call on both North and South to pull back from the brink of

  • violence and choose the path of peace.

  • And in the Middle East, we stand united in our support for a

  • secure Israel and a sovereign Palestine.

  • And we share a common interest in development that advances

  • dignity and security.

  • To succeed, we must cast aside the impulse to look

  • at impoverished parts of the globe as a place for charity.

  • Instead, we should empower the same forces that have allowed

  • our own people to thrive: We should help the hungry to feed

  • themselves, the doctors who care for the sick.

  • We should support countries that confront corruption,

  • and allow their people to innovate.

  • And we should advance the truth that nations prosper when they

  • allow women and girls to reach their full potential.

  • We do these things because we believe not simply in the rights

  • of nations; we believe in the rights of citizens.

  • That is the beacon that guided us through our fight against

  • fascism and our twilight struggle against communism.

  • And today, that idea is being put to the test in the Middle

  • East and North Africa.

  • In country after country, people are mobilizing to

  • free themselves from the grip of an iron fist.

  • And while these movements for change are just six months old,

  • we have seen them play out before -- from Eastern Europe

  • to the Americas, from South Africa to Southeast Asia.

  • History tells us that democracy is not easy.

  • It will be years before these revolutions reach their

  • conclusion, and there will be difficult days along the way.

  • Power rarely gives up without a fight -- particularly in places

  • where there are divisions of tribe and divisions of sect.

  • We also know that populism can take dangerous turns -- from the

  • extremism of those who would use democracy to deny minority

  • rights, to the nationalism that left so many scars on this

  • continent in the 20th century.

  • But make no mistake: What we saw,

  • what we are seeing in Tehran, in Tunis, in Tahrir Square,

  • is a longing for the same freedoms that we take for

  • granted here at home.

  • It was a rejection of the notion that people in certain parts of

  • the world don't want to be free, or need to have democracy

  • imposed upon them.

  • It was a rebuke to the worldview of al Qaeda,

  • which smothers the rights of individuals,

  • and would thereby subject them to perpetual poverty

  • and violence.

  • Let there be no doubt: The United States and United Kingdom

  • stand squarely on the side of those who long to be free.

  • And now, we must show that we will back up those words

  • with deeds.

  • That means investing in the future of those nations that

  • transition to democracy, starting with Tunisia and Egypt

  • -- by deepening ties of trade and commerce;

  • by helping them demonstrate that freedom brings prosperity.

  • And that means standing up for universal rights

  • -- by sanctioning those who pursue repression,

  • strengthening civil society, supporting

  • the rights of minorities.

  • We do this knowing that the West must overcome suspicion and

  • mistrust among many in the Middle East and North Africa

  • -- a mistrust that is rooted in a difficult past.

  • For years, we've faced charges of hypocrisy from those who do

  • not enjoy the freedoms that they hear us espouse.

  • And so to them, we must squarely acknowledge that, yes,

  • we have enduring interests in the region -- to fight terror,

  • sometimes with partners who may not be perfect;

  • to protect against disruptions of the world's energy supply.

  • But we must also insist that we reject as false the choice

  • between our interests and our ideals;

  • between stability and democracy.

  • For our idealism is rooted in the realities of history -- that

  • repression offers only the false promise of stability,

  • that societies are more successful when their citizens

  • are free, and that democracies are the closest allies we have.

  • It is that truth that guides our action in Libya.

  • It would have been easy at the outset of the crackdown in Libya

  • to say that none of this was our business -- that a nation's

  • sovereignty is more important than the slaughter of civilians

  • within its borders.

  • That argument carries weight with some.

  • But we are different.

  • We embrace a broader responsibility.

  • And while we cannot stop every injustice,

  • there are circumstances that cut through our caution -- when a

  • leader is threatening to massacre his people,

  • and the international community is calling for action.

  • That's why we stopped a massacre in Libya.

  • And we will not relent until the people of Libya are protected

  • and the shadow of tyranny is lifted.

  • We will proceed with humility, and the knowledge that we cannot

  • dictate every outcome abroad.

  • Ultimately, freedom must be won by the people themselves,

  • not imposed from without.

  • But we can and must stand with those who so struggle.

  • Because we have always believed that the future of our children

  • and grandchildren will be better if other people's children and

  • grandchildren are more prosperous and more free

  • -- from the beaches of Normandy to the Balkans to Benghazi.

  • That is our interests and our ideals.

  • And if we fail to meet that responsibility,

  • who would take our place, and what kind of world would

  • we pass on?

  • Our action -- our leadership -- is essential to the cause

  • of human dignity.

  • And so we must act -- and lead --

  • with confidence in our ideals, and an abiding faith in the

  • character of our people, who sent us all here today.

  • For there is one final quality that I believe makes the United

  • States and the United Kingdom indispensable

  • to this moment in history.

  • And that is how we define ourselves as nations.

  • Unlike most countries in the world,

  • we do not define citizenship based on race or ethnicity.

  • Being American or British is not about belonging to a certain

  • group; it's about believing in a certain set of ideals --

  • the rights of individuals, the rule of law.

  • That is why we hold incredible diversity within our borders.

  • That's why there are people around the world right now

  • who believe that if they come to America,

  • if they come to New York, if they come to London,

  • if they work hard, they can pledge allegiance to our flag

  • and call themselves Americans; if they come to England,

  • they can make a new life for themselves and can sing God

  • Save The Queen just like any other citizen.

  • Yes, our diversity can lead to tension.

  • And throughout our history there have been heated debates about

  • immigration and assimilation in both of our countries.

  • But even as these debates can be difficult,

  • we fundamentally recognize that our patchwork heritage is an

  • enormous strength -- that in a world which will only grow

  • smaller and more interconnected, the example of our two nations

  • says it is possible for people to be united by their ideals,

  • instead of divided by their differences;

  • that it's possible for hearts to change and old hatreds to pass;

  • that it's possible for the sons and daughters of former colonies

  • to sit here as members of this great Parliament,

  • and for the grandson of a Kenyan who served as a cook in the

  • British Army to stand before you as President

  • of the United States.

  • (applause)

  • That is what defines us.

  • That is why the young men and women in the streets of Damascus

  • and Cairo still reach for the rights our citizens enjoy,

  • even if they sometimes differ with our policies.

  • As two of the most powerful nations in the history of the

  • world, we must always remember that the true source of our

  • influence hasn't just been the size of our economies,

  • or the reach of our militaries, or the land that we've claimed.

  • It has been the values that we must never waver in defending

  • around the world -- the idea that all beings are endowed

  • by our Creator with certain rights that cannot be denied.

  • That is what forged our bond in the fire of war -- a bond

  • made manifest by the friendship between two

  • of our greatest leaders.

  • Churchill and Roosevelt had their differences.

  • They were keen observers of each other's blind spots and

  • shortcomings, if not always their own,

  • and they were hard-headed about their ability to

  • remake the world.

  • But what joined the fates of these two men at that particular

  • moment in history was not simply a shared interest in victory on

  • the battlefield.

  • It was a shared belief in the ultimate triumph of human

  • freedom and human dignity -- a conviction that we have a say

  • in how this story ends.

  • This conviction lives on in their people today.

  • The challenges we face are great.

  • The work before us is hard.

  • But we have come through a difficult decade,

  • and whenever the tests and trials ahead may seem too big

  • or too many, let us turn to their example,

  • and the words that Churchill spoke on the day that Europe was

  • freed: "In the long years to come,

  • not only will the people of this island but...the world, wherever

  • the bird of freedom chirps in the human heart,

  • look back to what we've done, and they will say 'do not

  • despair, do not yield... march straightforward.'"

  • With courage and purpose, with humility and with hope,

  • with faith in the promise of tomorrow,

  • let us march straightforward together,

  • enduring allies in the cause of a world that is more peaceful,

  • more prosperous, and more just.

  • Thank you very much.

  • (applause)

  • Speaker: Mr. President, I think that response describes far more

  • eloquently than any words of mine could do how much that very

  • memorable and inspiring address was appreciated by everybody who

  • heard it here today.

  • You spoke --

  • (applause)

  • You spoke with great warmth and great generosity about the

  • British Parliament and the British people and about the

  • links that bind us, the values and the traditions

  • that we share.

  • The history that we have experienced together.

  • But more than that, you spoke too not just of the

  • relationships of the past, but the relationships of the future.

  • And I think that was what made what you said so inspirational.

  • It was a distinguished American governor of New York who

  • remarked on the propensity of politicians to campaign in

  • poetry, but to govern in prose.

  • The world you described to us today was not just one that is

  • prosaic; it was one where the challenges are difficult and

  • sometimes dangerous.

  • One that is fast moving, that is complex,

  • sometimes contradictory.

  • And that offers at least as many threats as opportunities.

  • But in the eloquence of your address,

  • you reminded us of the importance of maintaining the

  • poetry in government.

  • Because to lead, that poetry is necessary.

  • Necessary not only to articulate the challenges,

  • as you did so masterfully.

  • But also to bring others together to face those

  • challenges with common principles and with

  • shared purpose.

  • Mr. President, it has been a privilege for all of us to hear

  • you speak today.

  • It is a privilege for me to have the responsibility of thanking

  • you on behalf of both Houses of Parliament,

  • for coming to Westminster, and to wish you and Mrs. Obama a

  • very happy and pleasant rest of your stay in the

  • United Kingdom.

  • Thank you so much.

  • (applause)

Speaker: Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen,

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