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  • Prof: Okay.

  • Today we are going to be discussing certainly one of the

  • biggest bestsellers in early American history,

  • and that's Thomas Paine's pamphlet Common Sense.

  • Before I plunge in to Common Sense,

  • I am going to answer the question that was asked from

  • this section of the room on Tuesday,

  • about how do you vote on voting--the little brain teaser

  • of the Continental Congress.

  • And I found the answer to this question.

  • Okay.

  • So the answer to the question is: they actually had a pretty

  • animated debate in the Continental Congress on the

  • whole voting question, and some people said it should

  • be according to population and some said,

  • 'Well, you should put property in with population,' and some

  • people said one colony, one vote.

  • And with--after apparently arguing for quite some time,

  • what they realized was they actually really didn't have an

  • orderly way to figure out population and property worth,

  • [laughter] and so they ultimately just

  • decided one colony, one vote, [laughs]

  • --like, that's all we can do.

  • And they were really concerned because they didn't want that to

  • be a precedent.

  • They were all worried that they'd be setting a precedent

  • for all time.

  • So when they wrote it down in the minutes,

  • they said, we're deciding one colony,

  • one vote, but not with the idea that it will be a precedent for

  • all time.

  • Of course, it then becomes a precedent for Congress under the

  • Articles of Confederation.

  • But the answer to the question--how did they vote?--

  • is apparently someone made a motion--

  • 'I make a motion that we just do the one colony,

  • one vote thing'--and people just voted on the motion as a

  • group.

  • So that is the answer to the question: How do you vote on

  • voting?

  • I had not thought about it before and yet historians have

  • addressed it so there you go so--Okay.

  • That is the answer to the question.

  • On to Common Sense, which really,

  • truly unquestionably was a bestseller.

  • It actually sold over 120,000 copies in its first few months

  • in print, and a little bit later in the

  • lecture I'm going to give you a sense of how that compares with

  • how some other things might have sold in this time period.

  • You'll really get a sense of what kind of a bestseller this

  • was.

  • And certainly many scholars consider it to be the most

  • brilliant political pamphlet of the Revolution,

  • not necessarily for the subtlety of its argument but

  • certainly for the way in which it's argued,

  • and I'll talk more about that in the course of the lecture.

  • So what we're going to be looking at is the pamphlet

  • itself and what specifically made it so remarkable.

  • And then we're also going to look some at its author,

  • Thomas Paine, who he was and how he came to

  • produce this influential pamphlet.

  • But I actually want to begin with something that I just--

  • in my head when I think about Thomas Paine I think about this,

  • so I feel like I can't start this lecture without discussing

  • it.

  • And that has to do with the death of Thomas Paine or

  • actually, to be more accurate, the body of Thomas Paine.

  • Okay.

  • It's one of the sad ironies of history that this person who--

  • all through this lecture I'm going to be talking about the

  • great influence of his pamphlet, had this great influence

  • throughout the Revolution-- and he actually died pretty

  • much poor and not very much liked by Americans of all

  • political stripes, more having to do with his

  • politics later in his life than what he was doing during the

  • Revolution, but he was not a happy camper

  • in the years of his death.

  • But the most horrifying thing about Paine's death has to do

  • with the question of his body.

  • Okay.

  • So Paine first asked about being buried in a Quaker

  • cemetery, and the Quakers weren't very

  • excited about that because they were not really hoping to have

  • that cemetery become a tourist attraction so that didn't work.

  • So he basically ended up at first being buried on his small

  • farm in upstate New York.

  • A few years later a newspaper editor named William Cobbett

  • decided that what he was going to do was disinter the body and

  • take it back to England, and then in England they would

  • set up a memorial to Thomas Paine.

  • This was his plan.

  • So he did.

  • He disinterred the body; he went on a boat;

  • he and dead-body Paine went sailing back to England.

  • Got back to England, raised the issue and apparently

  • did not get very much support for the idea of a memorial of

  • some kind.

  • At this point it gets a little sad.

  • Okay.

  • So not knowing what else to do--and why at this point he

  • didn't think to bury him someplace else,

  • I don't know--but apparently he had the bones put in a trunk and

  • kept them on his farm for a while.

  • Okay.

  • So, body of Paine sitting on his farm in England.

  • Then he died--Mr. Cobbett died and the trunk and Paine was

  • passed on to his son, and then his son I guess went

  • into debt in some way and his belongings began to get

  • auctioned off and the person doing the auctioning didn't want

  • to have anything to do with auctioning off a body.

  • Like, I've never auctioned off a body before,

  • I don't want anything to do with this--and basically Paine's

  • corpse disappeared.

  • We really do not know where Thomas Paine is.

  • Truly, there was a trunk and it had Paine in it and then it

  • vanished.

  • And I went searching today before I gave this lecture,

  • trying to figure out like--okay, maybe there's been a

  • recent development in the search for Thomas Paine,

  • the corpse, and no actually.

  • Although I did discover that in 2001 there was a society that

  • wanted to create some kind of memorial here in America and

  • they decided that they were going to try to trace the body

  • so they set out trying to trace the body.

  • What they found was, all over the world are people

  • who claim to have a piece of Thomas Paine,

  • right?

  • Well, his skull might be in Australia but his leg--that

  • might be in England.

  • So the sort of--the horrifying end to Thomas Paine is his body

  • disappeared and perhaps little pieces of Thomas Paine are

  • floating around as little relics all over the world.

  • So that's Paine's sort of weird ending,

  • certainly not the kind of ending that you would wish for

  • the person who has written the pamphlet we're going to be

  • talking about today.

  • And we are given that--what he ended up writing was so

  • influential and so different from much of what was being

  • written at this time.

  • Now as I said at the outset, it's not the great subtleties

  • of its argument that made it stand out.

  • And in fact its popularity was due to the very things that were

  • its greatest strengths: the fact that it was

  • passionate, the fact that it had a really

  • simple style, that it spoke to the common

  • man, that it captured and completely overturned prevailing

  • colonial ideas about the relationship between the mother

  • country and the American colonies.

  • As someone wrote at the time, Paine spoke a language which

  • the colonists had felt, but not thought.

  • One of the remarkable things about the pamphlet is that it

  • was written by a somewhat bankrupt English corset-maker a

  • mere fourteen months after he had arrived in America from

  • England.

  • Basically speaking, Paine knew relatively little

  • about colonial affairs when he decided to write it.

  • He wasn't really an established writer.

  • He had done writing before.

  • I'll talk a little bit about this today, but he wasn't this

  • sort of well-known and established writer.

  • He wrote some for newspapers.

  • And actually the idea for the pamphlet initially wasn't really

  • his.

  • He wrote it at the encouragement of Dr. Benjamin

  • Rush.

  • I mentioned that in the first lecture, and I'm going to come

  • back to that too.

  • So Paine is relatively new to the colonies,

  • not really an established writer, so how is it that he

  • ends up writing this pamphlet?

  • Well, more than anything else it actually was Paine's

  • experience of events in the colonies between 1775 and 1776

  • that inspired what he wrote.

  • Now let's look for a moment at--to see here what Paine is

  • experiencing in that year before he wrote the pamphlet.

  • What is happening around him.

  • I'm going to talk about this really briefly here because I'll

  • be talking in more detail about this on Tuesday,

  • but one thing I will mention here very briefly is,

  • part of what happens between 1775 and 1776 is the meeting of

  • the Second Continental Congress.

  • And that actually begins meeting in the spring of 1775.

  • I'll talk about the details of the Congress Tuesday.

  • For now, I'll just talk about the general mindset.

  • For one thing, no colony instructed its

  • delegates to this Second Continental Congress to work for

  • independence.

  • That was not the agenda.

  • Delegates were pretty much still acting under the

  • assumption that they were trying to force Parliament or the King

  • or someone to acknowledge their liberties and redress their

  • grievances, and the overall assumption

  • still was that balance had been thrown off within the British

  • constitution and it needed to be rebalanced.

  • So they're talking about trying to figure out a way of balancing

  • things, maybe a new balance,

  • but they're not talking about throwing the entire system

  • aside.

  • Actually, in the minds of many at the time they probably were

  • thinking, why destroy what had for a very

  • long time been one of the most successful political empires in

  • the world.

  • John Adams noted in his diary at the opening of the Second

  • Continental Congress that at what he called an "elegant

  • supper" at the opening of the Congress,

  • many representatives and their friends toasted,

  • quote, "the Union of Britain and the Colonies on a

  • constitutional foundation."

  • Okay.

  • So that's what they're hoping for as this Congress opens.

  • As an example of this initial mindset of the Congress--

  • again more about this Tuesday--moderates attempted one

  • last stab at some kind of basic reconciliation with the Crown,

  • and they issued what came to be known as the Olive Branch

  • Petition.

  • It failed for a number of reasons--again more next week--

  • one of the most basic reasons being the King refused to read

  • the Olive Branch Petition, which pretty much is the way to

  • guarantee the failure of a petition.

  • By doing that, the King basically gave some

  • credence to the views of the more radical members of the

  • Continental Congress, and radicals got even more

  • credence on August 23, 1775, when the King issued a

  • proclamation that declared the colonies to be in rebellion,

  • and then made plans to send 20,000 British troops to the

  • colonies, including Prussian mercenaries.

  • Okay, a big change in things, much more detail Tuesday,

  • but this is important to the setting of Common Sense.

  • So the King ignores the Olive

  • Branch Petition.

  • He's sending troops, not just any troops but

  • literally hired guns, right?--foreign hired guns to

  • go to the colonies.

  • So the colonies have now been declared in rebellion.

  • An army is coming.

  • At this point the colonists realize that they need to maybe

  • take some form of action and make some kind of military

  • preparation, not in an aggressive way but

  • certainly in a defensive way.

  • Even as they began to do this and try to stock up on military

  • supplies and engage in militia training,

  • still a lot of colonists considered it pretty unlikely

  • that a string of relatively weak--

  • prosperous as they were--colonies could hope to

  • defeat England, the most powerful nation on

  • earth.

  • And even if they did miraculously somehow manage to

  • do that, certainly also most people in

  • the colonies would have assumed that instantly,

  • foreign powers would have come zipping over to North America

  • and would have swallowed up these helpless little colonies,

  • and so now instead of belonging to England they would have

  • belonged to France or maybe Spain.

  • So certainly things weren't really feeling really optimistic

  • at this moment in which things seemed to be dramatically

  • shifting, and this is the setting in

  • which Paine wrote Common Sense.

  • In his mind, the time was right for some

  • kind of a drastic change for the better in the American colonies

  • and, as we'll see,

  • instead of just tinkering with the English constitution Paine

  • basically turns his back on it, rejects King George III,

  • rejects Parliament, and ultimately rejects even the

  • idea of monarchy.

  • So instead of centering on the British constitution,

  • Paine based his ideas about colonial society and government

  • on natural rights logic, arguing that the colonies

  • should join in a new government grounded on equality.

  • Now obviously ideas about natural rights,

  • natural rights talk, isn't new.

  • Paine's achievement was to take those kinds of ideas and in a

  • sense give them to ordinary people.

  • Part of what he argues in his pamphlet is: this isn't some

  • great high constitutional argument.

  • This is about you and me and life in the colonies.

  • And, as we'll see, in method and in audience and

  • in argument--for all of these reasons, Paine's pamphlet had a

  • big impact.

  • So let's look for a moment at who this man was who wrote this

  • early American bestseller.

  • Well, he was relatively poor.

  • He was never really well off.

  • Obviously, he was an intelligent--strikingly

  • intelligent person.

  • He was someone who loved to assert his own importance.

  • He loved to brag about his great accomplishments.

  • He loved to dominate a conversation.

  • It's possible towards the end of his life he may have had a

  • drinking problem.

  • I tried to get authoritative word on this.

  • Probably I didn't realize it.

  • When I'm-- I--Although I've taught this course before,

  • before I give every lecture I actually go over it and kind of

  • redo it and then I research things so before I come to class

  • I'm actually having these random--

  • It's like a big game of Trivial Pursuit.

  • Was Thomas Paine really drunk?

  • Research, research, research.

  • Okay. Maybe not so much.

  • What happened to the body?

  • Oh. We still don't know.

  • Okay. Okay.

  • So I have these weird Trivial Pursuit moments in preparation

  • for the course here.

  • So, maybe drunk, maybe not, a slight drinking

  • problem.

  • Historians disagree.

  • Either way, he was born in England in 1737.

  • Supposedly the cottage that he was born in was literally in the

  • shadow of a place of execution, so the dark hand of the State

  • was looming over the cottage of Thomas Paine.

  • He was born poor.

  • His father was a stay-maker.

  • Paine did go to grammar school and he liked learning,

  • but at the age of 12 he was pulled out to be apprenticed to

  • his father.

  • As a young man, he had a number of different

  • trades.

  • None of them were enormously successful.

  • I think for a little while he might have been a sailor.

  • I think he was a minor officeholder.

  • I think he was an excise man in England for a little while.

  • In his spare time he liked to go to public lectures in London,

  • and that's where he met men like Benjamin Franklin.

  • And Franklin ultimately proved important to Paine,

  • because Paine ended up doing what a lot of sort of vaguely

  • rootless people in England might have decided to do.

  • He decided to try his luck in the American colonies where

  • there seemed to be some opportunity for self-promotion,

  • for sort of making something of yourself.

  • But before setting off, Paine did an intelligent thing,

  • and that is, he made an appointment with

  • Franklin.

  • And Franklin did an important thing.

  • He wrote a letter of recommendation for Paine.

  • And a letter of recommendation in this period was kind of a

  • magical thing because, if you think about it,

  • unlike now where there are five million ways in which we all can

  • check on each other, there really weren't ways in

  • which one person knew anything about a stranger or could verify

  • or check on who some complete stranger was.

  • There's a reason why the early nineteenth century is the age of

  • the con man.

  • Right?

  • It's really easy for someone to drift into town,

  • claim to be somebody, no one has a way of checking,

  • and then the person can drift out, taking various amounts of

  • money and belongings with him.

  • So letters of recommendation were kind of magical because

  • basically they represented one person vouching their reputation

  • for another.

  • The person who wrote it said, 'I'm writing this letter for

  • Mr. Paine.

  • I, Mr. Franklin, am writing for Mr. Paine and

  • I'm introducing him to your attention and wish that you will

  • introduce yourself to him and show him around Philadelphia'--

  • seemingly a basic statement, but Franklin was basically

  • saying, 'I'm--Here's my reputation.

  • I'm vouching for this guy so you could--you can get to know

  • him.

  • You can trust him because I'm recommending him.'

  • So it was a smart move on Paine's part.

  • It was a nice thing for Franklin to do,

  • and in the letter that Franklin wrote he referred Paine to his

  • son-in-law, Richard Bache, in Philadelphia.

  • So Paine arrived in America in late 1774,

  • but apparently the whole overseas passage was pretty

  • horrible so he was pretty much out of commission until January

  • 1775, and at that point when he was

  • up and about, Bache offered to introduce him

  • into the local literary and political scene.

  • Now what happened next is a really good case for the

  • importance of serendipity and the importance of bookstores.

  • Okay.

  • So Paine liked to hang out in this one local bookstore.

  • Apparently he went there every day.

  • Okay.

  • That's the local literary scene--[laughs]

  • the bookstore-- and he befriended the owner of

  • the bookstore and the owner eventually invited Paine to be

  • the editor of a new journal that he wanted to start,

  • that he was calling the Pennsylvania Magazine.

  • So Paine wrote for the Pennsylvania Magazine for

  • a while and he wrote a bunch of different kinds of

  • things.

  • He wrote fiction.

  • He wrote essays.

  • He wrote social commentary.

  • As an example, he wrote a piece on British

  • cruelty in the East Indies and Africa and against native

  • Americans, writing, quote,

  • "When I reflect on these I hesitate not for a moment to

  • believe that the Almighty will finally separate America from

  • Britain.

  • Call it Independence or what you will, if it is the cause of

  • God and humanity it will go on."

  • Now considering--I'm going to talk a little bit more about the

  • fact that people aren't really talking about independence at

  • this point, so that's a pretty bold

  • statement before Common Sense.

  • Now one thing was noticeable about Paine's writings.

  • And that is that when they seemed to strike at issues of

  • American liberty, even indirectly,

  • even seemingly through metaphor--

  • as in one essay that talked about British domination of

  • India but everybody assumed India must really be the North

  • American colonies-- whenever he was referencing any

  • of that sort of thing, sales jumped.

  • Everyone wanted to read those essays.

  • And ultimately it was some of those essays that brought Paine

  • to the attention of Benjamin Rush.

  • Rush went to that same bookstore, the magical

  • bookstore, the center of Paine's life.

  • He happened to meet Paine at that same bookstore--so the

  • moral is it's a good thing to hang out in bookstores.

  • And through their conversations Rush later wrote that at the

  • time he observed that, quote, "Paine had realized

  • the independance of the American colonies upon Great

  • Britain" even at that time and that

  • "he considered the measure as necessary to bring the war to

  • a speedy and successful issue."

  • So he meets Paine and one of the things he notices is well,

  • this guy's already kind of thinking about independence.

  • Paine himself later wrote about his opinion of the colonies upon

  • his arrival, and he said that the thing that

  • most struck him was how loyal the colonists were to Great

  • Britain, and this is, Paine's words here.

  • "I found the disposition of the people such,

  • that they might have been led by a thread and governed by a

  • reed.

  • Their suspicion was quick and penetrating,

  • but their attachment to Britain was obstinate,

  • and it was at that time a kind of treason to speak against it.

  • They disliked the ministry, but they esteemed the

  • nation."

  • I think that's a really important point:

  • "They disliked the ministry but they esteemed the

  • nation."

  • "Their idea of grievance operated without resentment,

  • and their single object was reconciliation ....

  • I viewed the dispute as a kind of law-suit.

  • I supposed the parties would find a way either to decide or

  • settle it.

  • I had no thoughts of independence or of arms.

  • The world could not then have persuaded me that I should be

  • either a soldier or an author."

  • Ultimately, it was the battle of Lexington that changed

  • Paine's view, and his life,

  • as it changed that of many others.

  • As Paine put it, "when the country,

  • into which I had just set my foot, was set on fire about my

  • ears, it was time to stir."

  • And so it's at this point that Paine begins to tinker with the

  • idea of writing a pamphlet.

  • And apparently he spoke with Benjamin Rush about it,

  • and Rush later recalled in a letter to a friend that he

  • offered Paine one overall piece of advice at the outset of the

  • project.

  • He said to Paine, "there were two words

  • which he should avoid by every means as necessary to his own

  • safety and that of the public,"

  • and the two words were "independence"

  • and "republicanism."

  • Okay, and if you think about Common Sense,

  • he didn't listen to that advice at all.

  • And as a matter of fact it's impossible to know what went

  • through Paine's mind at that moment.

  • He certainly--He knew the colonies were,

  • as he put it, on fire, he knew that popular

  • sentiment was building even against the King,

  • but knowing his personality it's entirely possible that if

  • Rush said to him, 'Whatever you do,

  • don't mention independence,' that Paine's reaction might have

  • been well, that's at the center of it,

  • isn't it?

  • So that's it; that's going to be what I write

  • about, isn't it, and it's going to be

  • independence.

  • And he might have deliberately done the precise thing he was

  • asked not to do, and focus on the most

  • controversial issue that seemed to be at the very heart of the

  • controversy that seemed to be, certainly to Paine,

  • lurking right underneath the surface of this prevailing

  • constitutional argument.

  • So Paine wrote the pamphlet, he read parts of it to Rush as

  • he did, and Common Sense is published in January

  • 1776.

  • And I did state correctly earlier that he wanted to call

  • it Plain Truth and Benjamin Rush thought Common

  • Sense was a better title, and I agree with Benjamin Rush.

  • I like Common Sense better.

  • The pamphlet--The main argument of the pamphlet did three

  • things.

  • So number one, it basically refuted the

  • prevailing ideas against independence.

  • It went one step further and demonstrated the necessity of

  • independence and how possible it was.

  • And it demonstrated the stupidity and utter uselessness

  • not only of the English monarchy but just of monarchies

  • generally.

  • This is a radical message, and it was written in a

  • radically simple style aimed at being accessible to a broad

  • audience.

  • This was all the more radical given that American independence

  • had not really been seriously discussed by the great majority

  • of colonists with the exception of some extreme radicals who

  • I've been mentioning now and again in lectures.

  • So let's look for just a minute at how Paine went through the

  • three parts of his argument-- and in a sense,

  • there's three parts of his argument,

  • and the pamphlet itself has three sections.

  • And the first section of the pamphlet centers on getting

  • people past this ongoing constitutional argument about

  • the proper relationship between the colonies and the mother

  • country.

  • And to accomplish this, Paine did something amazingly

  • bold.

  • He just tossed aside the entire idea of focusing on the English

  • constitution as the context for determining the fate of America,

  • and rather than going on and on and on with the same

  • constitutional debate, he began his pamphlet with an

  • attack not only against King George but also against the

  • entire idea of monarchy.

  • And he had a couple strategic reasons for choosing to do this.

  • First, the Crown was the last remaining emotional and

  • political link that was really tying the colonies to the mother

  • country.

  • By this point, the colonists had lost faith in

  • Parliament, so Paine certainly knew that if

  • he could strike at this last linchpin of colonial sentiment,

  • he could advance the cause of independence.

  • Second, if Paine could destroy the legitimacy not only of King

  • George but also of the idea of monarchy overall,

  • then the English constitution's legitimacy would suffer as well,

  • once again hopefully opening the way for independence.

  • And then third, I think equally important,

  • rhetorically Paine had a really good writer's sense of pacing,

  • and he knew that if he opened this pamphlet with this really

  • dramatic challenge to all of the prevailing assumptions about

  • government, and if he turned all of these

  • assumptions on their head, he would pull readers in to his

  • pamphlet and in to his argument immediately and hold them there

  • for the center of his argument, which was the second section of

  • the pamphlet, and that is really the part

  • that focuses on independence.

  • Independence at this point was a topic that people didn't

  • discuss openly.

  • They didn't talk about it in public.

  • If discussed at all, it was discussed privately

  • among friends because basically it amounted to treason.

  • Paine's dramatic introduction opened the way for him to

  • introduce this really controversial topic.

  • If the English constitution lacked legitimacy,

  • well, what next?

  • And his answer obviously is: well, independence,

  • the obvious solution.

  • Which then brings us to the third section of the

  • pamphlet--and that is the future.

  • Paine concludes the pamphlet by discussing just what Americans

  • could institute to replace the English constitution,

  • what kind of government they might be able to construct to

  • replace what they were stripping away.

  • Now throughout his work Paine hammered away at old ideas and

  • propounded new ones.

  • He argued that America was distinct from England,

  • that it was multicultural, that it actually was more the

  • child of Europe than the child of England.

  • He promoted American commerce.

  • He promoted social mobility.

  • He praised the innocence of the New World as compared with the

  • corruption and decadence of the Old World.

  • He struck at the trappings of monarchy, things like hereditary

  • privilege and court intrigue.

  • He was an individualist arguing that society was made of

  • individuals who should all be able to strive for their own

  • good.

  • He wasn't arguing that families or patron-client relationships

  • should define society any longer.

  • He depicted government as a kind of necessary evil that was

  • prone to create bureaucracies and privilege.

  • As he put it, "Government,

  • like dress, is the badge of lost innocence,"

  • so it's the price we pay for being flawed beings.

  • And he seemed to speak of an American millennium,

  • speaking of America as God's chosen people.

  • Paine argued that America's success was linked to the

  • success of all humankind, that the American colonists

  • could launch a worldwide democratic revolution.

  • And, as he put it--I'll quote it again,

  • but I think maybe it was the first lecture that I quoted this

  • as my sort of random inspirational sentences from

  • random guy from the eighteenth century.

  • This is where this comes from.

  • It's the statement about beginning the world anew:

  • "We have every opportunity and every encouragement before

  • us, to form the noblest purest

  • constitution on the face of the earth.

  • We have it in our power to begin the world over

  • again....The birthday of a new world is at hand."

  • That's millennial talk there.

  • The power of the pamphlet wasn't just in its argument or

  • in specific points of argument, but rather, it was in the way

  • that it reversed prevailing assumptions.

  • Paine forced readers to consider a whole new way of

  • looking at the impending crisis--and actually at the

  • entire imperial system.

  • He laid bare assumptions that had led colonists to resist

  • independence, and then by exposing these

  • biases and holding them up to scorn,

  • he forced people to think beyond what they had thought

  • before.

  • So basically the old paradigm had been: liberty can survive

  • among brutal and self-interested men only through a balance of

  • institutionalized forces so no one can monopolize the power of

  • the state and rule without opposition.

  • So monarchy, nobility, and the people have

  • an equal right to share in the struggle for power;

  • complexity in government in this sense is a good thing;

  • simplicity allows for monopolization.

  • Well, Paine argues, complexity is not a virtue in

  • government.

  • It simply makes it impossible to tell who is at fault.

  • Paine charged that the complexity of the British

  • government was designed to serve the monarchy and the nobility,

  • that the King did nothing but wage war and hand out gifts to

  • his followers, and that this entire idea of

  • British constitutional-institutional

  • balance was a fraud.

  • Now the boldness of this message becomes clearer when you

  • compare it with some other pamphlets of the time,

  • many of which were aimed at exploring difficult questions--

  • right?--constitutional issues, and then coming up with

  • recommendations.

  • Common Sense isn't about exploring difficult

  • constitutional questions.

  • It aimed to, quote, "tear the world

  • apart."

  • This pamphlet did not have the kind of rational tone and

  • lawyerly, precise logic and high

  • scholarship that you see floating through a lot of the

  • other pamphlets of this period.

  • And the tone was part of why the pamphlet ended up being so

  • effective.

  • Paine didn't use legal arguments.

  • He didn't invoke legal authorities.

  • He assumed that his readers would have some kind of limited

  • knowledge of the Bible.

  • He didn't use a lot of Latin, and if he did use Latin he

  • tended to follow it up with an English translation.

  • He used really straightforward syntax, a really simple

  • vocabulary.

  • As he himself explained it: "As it is my design to

  • make those that can scarcely read understand,

  • I shall therefore avoid every literary ornament,

  • and put it in language as plain as the alphabet."

  • So what he wanted to write he said was, quote,

  • "simple facts, plain arguments,

  • and common sense."

  • Sometimes it was Paine's irreverence in comparison with

  • other pamphlet writers that made his writing seem so effective.

  • So for example, writing about the origins of

  • the English monarchy and William the Conqueror,

  • Paine wrote, "no man in his senses can

  • say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a very

  • honorable one.

  • A French bastard landing with an armed banditti,

  • and establishing himself king of England against the consent

  • of the natives, is in plain terms a very paltry

  • rascally original."

  • Okay.

  • It's not your typical pamphlet.

  • Sometimes he used really straightforward language just

  • for shock value, trying to make his point

  • by--trying to upset prevailing ideas--

  • by saying something in a shockingly straightforward and

  • irreverent manner.

  • And that's obviously going to be really effective if he was

  • talking about the King--to use sort of shockingly irreverent

  • language.

  • So for example, he really tried hard to

  • dehumanize King George III, writing for example,

  • he has "sunk himself beneath the rank of animals,

  • and contemptibly crawls through the world like a worm."

  • Okay.

  • [laughs] That's pretty irreverent

  • language.

  • "Even brutes do not devour their young."

  • Okay.

  • That would have been really shocking [laughs]

  • to someone to read at the time, that that's a description of

  • the King.

  • Or he used sarcasm, as in this sentence.

  • Now I mentioned this sentence--I don't know--in the

  • first--one of the early lectures.

  • I talked about a sentence that I really liked and I accused

  • Benjamin Rush of cutting it out of the pamphlet,

  • and I'm here to redeem Benjamin Rush because when I looked this

  • up today to double check on myself what I discovered was,

  • this is actually Benjamin Rush's favorite sentence and

  • Benjamin Franklin struck it out.

  • [laughs] So it was in the draft but it

  • didn't make the final printed copy of Common Sense,

  • and this is the sentence.

  • Okay.

  • "A greater absurdity cannot be conceived of,

  • than three millions of people running to their seacoast every

  • time a ship arrives from London, to know what portion of liberty

  • they should enjoy."

  • I think that's a good sentence.

  • I agree with Rush.

  • I think Franklin had it wrong.

  • I think that's good sort of pointed sarcasm,

  • so I'm sorry it didn't make the final printed version.

  • Rush is right.

  • So sarcasm--effecti ve--irreverence,

  • shock value--all effective.

  • Even just emotion, even Paine's emotion,

  • was effective because it was so strong,

  • because he was so passionate, and because he was so

  • straightforward, as in a sentence like this.

  • "Every thing that is right or reasonable pleads for

  • separation.

  • The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature

  • cries, 'TIS TIME TO PART.'" Okay, dramatic,

  • passionate, emotional language.

  • So all of this stuff that I'm describing here,

  • all of this rhetoric, all of this logic,

  • all of the sort of rationale behind this pamphlet--

  • this is popular culture but it's not low culture.

  • It may not have had really refined language but it had

  • correct language.

  • As Thomas Jefferson put it, "No writer has exceeded

  • Paine in ease and familiarity of style,

  • in perspicuity of expression, happiness of elucidation,

  • and in simple and unassuming language."

  • Okay.

  • By writing that, Jefferson achieved none of

  • those things.

  • [laughs] That's like a really good

  • example of how different Paine sounded, [laughs]--perspicuity

  • of expression and happiness of elucidation.

  • Okay, not in Common Sense.

  • Jefferson does not sound like Thomas Paine.

  • Given all of this, the widespread popularity of

  • the pamphlet isn't surprising, and the first printing sold out

  • in a few weeks.

  • There were many re-printings, first in Pennsylvania,

  • then in other colonies, and even ultimately in Europe.

  • And all in all, a majority of the population of

  • the colonies either read Common Sense or received

  • some kind of distilled version of it at their local tavern or

  • in conversation, as presented by other people

  • who had read it.

  • By March of 1776, there had been 125,000 copies

  • sold and by colonial standards that's a mind-blowing number of

  • copies, and here's a way to sort of put

  • that in context.

  • At this period, even later, even in the 1790s,

  • in a city like New York or Pennsylvania,

  • a newspaper that would have been considered to have a big

  • circulation number-- like wow, that's a really big

  • newspaper-- would have had a circulation of

  • 1,000.

  • Okay.

  • So 125,000 copies is a lot of copies.

  • That's a pretty remarkable number.

  • And sales were helped by the fact that the pamphlet was

  • priced really low so that it could be bought by anyone,

  • even the relatively poor.

  • Now of course Paine wasn't shy about his own accomplishments

  • and he later told anybody who would listen that his pamphlet

  • had enjoyed, quote, "the greatest sale

  • that any performance [has] ever had since the use of

  • letters."

  • [laughter] Okay.

  • That's not a modest man.

  • It is the greatest-selling thing of all time.

  • Okay.

  • Okay, Tom, it's important but come on.

  • [laughter] Now of course not everybody

  • cheered with the publication of Common Sense.

  • There were many people who were enraged at what it dared to

  • say about the English monarch, about the British constitution,

  • about independence.

  • Who was this guy anyway? Right?

  • Who was he to promote independence?

  • As Samuel Adams put it with actually unusual understatement

  • for Samuel Adams-- he said the pamphlet,

  • quote, "has fretted some folks here more than a

  • little."

  • It upset a lot of people.

  • More direct criticism was issued by an English gentleman

  • traveling in Virginia in his diary.

  • He wrote, "A pamphlet called Common Sense makes

  • a great noise.

  • One of the vilest things that ever was published to the world.

  • Full of false representations, lies, calumny,

  • and treason."

  • Now you may be surprised to hear that John Adams,

  • ultimately a leading proponent of independence,

  • did not like Common Sense.

  • John Adams did not like the pamphlet.

  • It wasn't because of the first two parts.

  • Right?

  • He's all for questioning the British constitution.

  • He's all for independence.

  • That's fine, but what really got Adams was

  • the third section of the pamphlet,

  • the section about what kind of government might we be able to

  • create in the absence of the British constitution.

  • This made Adams crazy, because to Adams and to many

  • others at the time, good lawmakers were supposed to

  • always be practical thinkers and they were supposed to be

  • realistic about what a society could achieve.

  • They were supposed to think about the realities of a society

  • and then what would be politically possible,

  • and this is not what he thought Paine was doing.

  • He thought Paine was sort of blue sky, unrealistic,

  • tossings off about possibilities,

  • without thinking really hard about probabilities.

  • So this is John Adams' summary of Common Sense.

  • This is true John Adams.

  • Okay.

  • Common Sense, quote, "a poor,

  • ignorant, malicious, shortsighted,

  • crapulous mass."

  • [laughs] That's John Adams' opinion of

  • Common Sense.

  • I have to add here for no reason except that when I was

  • writing this I thought of it, and then this is my excuse to

  • mention it in a lecture, and so I will.

  • How many of you here have read Plato's Republic?

  • Some of you have read Plato's Republic.

  • Okay.

  • John Adams really did not like Plato's Republic either,

  • and for the same reasons.

  • Right?

  • He thought Plato was irresponsible.

  • He hated Plato's Republic.

  • Jefferson was not a big fan either.

  • He thought that--Actually, both of them thought that Plato

  • was sort of vaporing about political ideals and not really

  • thinking about realistic application to real people.

  • So to these guys at this time the real challenge of what

  • they're doing is to match ideals and realities,

  • and they didn't think Plato was doing that at all.

  • So this is what Adams first had to say about Plato's

  • Republic: "While wading

  • through the whimsies, the puerilities,

  • and unintelligible jargon of this work,

  • I laid it down often to ask myself how it could have been

  • that the world should have so long consented to give

  • reputation to such nonsense as this."

  • [laughter] Okay.

  • He really doesn't like Plato's Republic, but he also

  • just didn't like Plato.

  • So overall he said--he talked about how he read all of Plato's

  • works and he talked about oh, he had three Latin dictionaries

  • and a German one and a French one just in case,

  • and he worked his way through, and he said he learned only two

  • things from all of Plato's work.

  • He learned, number one, that Benjamin Franklin stole an

  • idea from Plato [laughter]-- didn't give him credit,

  • [laughs] and number two,

  • he learned that sneezing is a cure for the hiccups.

  • [laughter] And he said,

  • quote, "Accordingly, I have cured myself and all my

  • friends of that provoking disorder,

  • for thirty years, with a pinch of snuff."

  • Okay.

  • That's Plato to John Adams.

  • [laughs] That's it.

  • So I just love that.

  • I love that.

  • It's John Adams at his best.

  • Okay.

  • So away from Plato, back to Common Sense.

  • For many people Common Sense was kind of a

  • conversion experience, and there are people that are

  • fence sitters who maybe-- might have had the makings of a

  • radical and in reading the pamphlet or hearing of the

  • pamphlet, they actually were radicalized

  • by it.

  • It was talked of everywhere.

  • As Rush put it, "Its effects were sudden

  • and extensive upon the American mind.

  • It was read by public men."

  • It was "repeated in Clubs, spouted in schools,

  • and in one instance delivered from the pulpit instead of a

  • sermon, by a clergyman in

  • Connecticut."

  • That's a Connecticut moment.

  • I'm always happy when we have little Connecticut or Yale

  • moments.

  • It was talked about everywhere.

  • Its rhetoric was so powerful that for many it inspired them

  • to stand back, examine their situation,

  • and really loathe Britain for the first time--

  • like oh, [laughs] I've never thought of loathing

  • Britain before, but yet now I am.

  • As George Washington wrote, Common Sense was

  • "working a wonderful change in the minds of many men."

  • In the end, regardless of whether one agreed or not with

  • his argument, Paine's pamphlet did one

  • fundamentally important thing.

  • He focused the prevailing colonial political conversation

  • on independence.

  • He lifted the argument above constitutional reckoning.

  • He inspired others to write about the topic as well,

  • sometimes for independence, sometimes against,

  • but independence became now the topic to discuss.

  • As a reader in Boston put it, "Independence a year ago

  • could not have been publicly mentioned with impunity.

  • Nothing else is now talked of, and I know not what can be done

  • by Great Britain to prevent it."

  • Now Paine was all too happy to remind anyone who would listen

  • about the significance of his pamphlet.

  • He considered it his lifetime achievement.

  • He wanted his tombstone to read "Thomas Paine,

  • author of Common Sense."

  • Of course, that was assuming he was going

  • to have a tombstone which [laughter]

  • he didn't.

  • [laughs] The poor guy.

  • I didn't think of that until this second--oh,

  • bad irony.

  • He said that regardless of whatever form he took in the

  • afterlife, he would always know he had written Common Sense.

  • Okay, but did Common Sense cause independence?

  • Okay.

  • Paine clearly would have loved to tell you that it did.

  • That's the kind of conclusion you really can't make,

  • but clearly you can say it was so powerful,

  • so widely read, so controversial that it

  • shattered much of the psychological resistance to the

  • idea of independence.

  • And also on a more social level, Common Sense

  • invited an entire range of people into the political

  • conversation that in some ways hadn't really been included

  • before, just by deliberately making

  • this pamphlet available to as broad an audience as possible.

  • And his message in a sense was fundamentally democratizing as

  • well.

  • Paine preached that any people can deliberate and decide how

  • they are to be governed.

  • And then they can act on that choice.

  • Any people are capable of creating and implementing their

  • own government.

  • It's a powerful message, and regardless of whether

  • people agreed or disagreed about what government they should be

  • creating, the ideas underlying that

  • pamphlet in a sense were really revolutionary,

  • in a sense, and certainly radicalizing,

  • just at this moment when things are taking a turn,

  • just at this moment when the King has declared the colonies

  • in rebellion, and very soon we're going to

  • have Lexington and Concord.

  • So you can see how we're right at this moment where things are

  • going to take a shift.

  • Common Sense, partly timing-wise,

  • came out at just the moment where it was going to strike and

  • have the broadest impact.

  • That is all I have for today.

  • Have a good weekend.

  • I will see you on Tuesday and we will move on to independence.

  • We get independence next week.

  • It's very exciting.

Prof: Okay.

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