Placeholder Image

Subtitles section Play video

  • All the movie asks is that in America,

  • don't you have the right to have your own opinion?

  • Especially if it's a well-thought-out opinion?

  • And why would you have a well-thought-out opinion

  • be denounced, because of your race,

  • as reflective of a sellout, of somebody who's an Uncle Tom,

  • who wishes bad things to happen to fellow members of his own race?

  • What is the logic behind that? And why is this going on?

  • And isn't this hurting the country? That's what the movie asks.

  • Are police actually using deadly force disproportionately against black people? And how does the focus

  • on police overshadow other monumental problems facing black America today?

  • Why is believing that black lives matter not the same as supporting the Black Lives Matter

  • organization? And why are black conservatives often excluded

  • from mainstream public awareness and discourse? In this episode, we sit down again with radio

  • talk show personality and bestselling author Larry Elder, who hosts The Larry Elder Show

  • for The Epoch Times. He is the executive producer of the new documentaryUncle Tom.”

  • This is American Thought Leaders ??, and I’m Jan Jekielek.

  • Larry Elder, it’s such a pleasure to have you back on American Thought Leaders.

  • Thank you so much for having me. I appreciate it. As Charlton Heston once said to me, thank

  • you for letting me borrow your audience. Well, because we're going to talk about Uncle

  • Tom, on your shirt. This film that you and I have been talking about for a while now. It’s

  • coming very, very soon. I've been working on this film, Jan, for two years.

  • Most people are completely oblivious to the history of the Democratic Party, the party

  • of slavery, the history of the Democratic party, Jim Crow laws, they're erasing all

  • of the history of this country. They want to cover up history. The real history, not

  • the revisionist history. If you are educated. White people have been taught a narrative

  • that has been created. You're ctually miseducated. and that's when I realized that I've been

  • lied to. I had been misled. It unraveled everything that I knew to be true.

  • Along with the director, Justin Malone, and it is about the grief that people like Candace

  • Owens, Herman Cain, Thomas Sowell, Walter Williams, Allen West, and Clarence Thomas

  • get for simply suggesting that maybe, just maybe, the policies that blacks have been

  • following, the democratic policies that blacks have been voting for, the left-wing policies

  • that blacks have been pulling that lever for, maybe we ought to rethink them.

  • It’s not an angry film. It’s not a film that says: how dare you call us these nasty

  • names? It’s a film that says: why can’t we have an intelligent discussion about whether

  • or not we should be supporting school choice? Why can’t we have an intelligent discussion

  • about whether or not we should be supporting Roe v. Wade? Why can’t we have an intelligent

  • discussion about whether or not we should be having stronger borders? Because the studies

  • suggest that unskilled illegal aliens take jobs away from unskilled black and brown workers

  • and put downward pressure on their wages. Can we have a discussion about this without

  • my being called an Uncle Tom, a self loather, or a sellout?

  • Dean McKay is the executive editor of The New York Times and happens to be black. He

  • hired a conservative as a columnist named Bret Stephens, a never-Trump-er, the kind

  • of conservative that the New York Times hires as a Republican. Bret Stephensfirst column

  • had to do with his skepticism about climate change alarmism. That’s all; he didn’t

  • say “I don’t agree with it.” He just said “I’m skeptical that these alarmist

  • trends that people are predicting are going to happen.” Mckay said that people contacted

  • the New York Times angry that they hired this guy, angry that he wrote this column. Mckay

  • was surprised at the ferocity of people, because he hired a conservative to write a column

  • that, in his opinion, was very intelligent. Stephens raised some questions about climate

  • change. Mckay publicly said that he found outthe

  • left as a rule does not want to hear thoughtful disagreement” [in an interview at Code Conference].

  • That’s a verbatim quote. I argue that the black left doesn’t even believe there’s

  • such a thing as thoughtful disagreement. Therefore, were not having discussions in the black

  • community that, in my opinion, are healthy and could lead to a better outcome.

  • The number one problem in the black community is not racism. It’s not bad cops, although

  • we both know both exist. The number one problem is the large number of blacks who were raised

  • without fathers. In 1965, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who later on became a democrat senator from

  • New York, wrote a paper calledThe Negro Family: The Case for National Action”. At

  • the time, 25 percent of blacks were born outside of wedlock, a number that he thought was horrific.

  • He felt if we don’t do something, take some sort of national action, this is going to

  • get worse. Well fast forward. Now 70 percent of black kids are born outside of wedlock,

  • 25 percent of white kids now are, and nearly half of Hispanic kids are. Forget about Larry

  • Elder. Barack Obama once said, “children who grow up without a father are five times

  • more likely to live in poverty and commit crime; nine times more likely to drop out

  • of schools and twenty times more likely to end up in prison.” [Barack Obama’s remarks

  • at the Apostolic Church of God in Chicago on Father’s Day] Now, this is something

  • that were not even having a discussion about.

  • In my opinion, if you look at the proliferation of kids born outside of wedlock, it parallels

  • the rise in social spending under the so-called war on poverty that was launched in the mid-60s.

  • Lyndon Johnson launched it with the best of intentions. He felt that it was going to make

  • people more self-sufficient. All it did was create dependency. What is done is to incentivize

  • women to marry the government and incentivize men to abandon their financial and moral responsibility.

  • It is the number one social problem in America in general and the number one social problem

  • in the black community in particular, and were not having that discussion.

  • When someone like myself or Bob Woodson, another community activist who’s in the film, raises

  • these questions, instead of this igniting a healthy discussion, people like myself are

  • denounced and dismissed as Uncle Toms, as self loathers. Why? That’s what the film

  • asks. Why can’t we just have an intelligent discussion? Why are you assuming that I have

  • some sort of malintent behind it? All I’m trying to do is get people to realize their

  • God-given potential, the same as I assume youre trying to do, and we just have a

  • different philosophy about it. I don’t consider you to be self-loathing. I don’t consider

  • you to be a race traitor because youre advancing policy that I think hurt [us]. Why

  • are you making that assumption about me? You know, it’s a very fascinating time to

  • be talking about this. It’s almost crazy because of this horrible killing of George

  • Floyd that happened just a few weeks ago and the resulting protests. There are a lot of

  • very well-meaning people on the streets wanting to support black lives, right? At the same

  • time, there are a lot of concerns. I’ve heard from a lot of people that there’s

  • only one way that’s allowed to think about this, and people lose their jobs, their careers,

  • relationships, and so forth. The narrative is that racism remains a powerful

  • impediment for black progress in America, whether it’s systemic racism, a term you

  • hear a lot, structural racism, another term you hear a lot, institutional racism, or one

  • that I heard Beto O’Rourke come up with, foundational racism. If America were institutionally

  • racist, why is it that in the 50s if you ask white people, would they ever support a black

  • person president? The answer was no. Fast forward, Obama got elected. He got a higher

  • percentage of the white vote than John Kerry did. Were [still] talking about institutional

  • racism. It’s crazy. In 2015, Freddie Gray died in police custody.

  • At the time of his death, the mayor of Baltimore was black, the number one person running the

  • police department was black, his assistant was black, all the city council members were

  • democrats, majority black, the state attorney who brought the charges against six officers

  • was black, three of the six officers charged were black, the judge before whom two of the

  • officers had their cases tried was black. By the way, he found him not guilty. The US

  • Attorney General at the time, Loretta Lynch, was black, and of course, the president of

  • the United States, at the time Barack Obama, was black. You have all these people running

  • the institution. I’m reminded of something that comedian

  • Wanda Sykes said shortly after Obama got elected, and she talked about what was gonna happen

  • down the road if and when things didn’t change. She said, “How are you going to

  • complain about the man when you are the man?” Well, these American cities where we have

  • these police chiefs that are allegedly racist have been run by Democrats for decades. Democrats

  • have picked these officers, and in many cases, the chief of police happens to be black. People

  • are still screaming about institutional racism. We were having this interview in Los Angeles.

  • From 1992 to 2002, L.A. had back-to-back black police chiefs. There was a black police chief

  • in charge during the O.J. Simpson case. You might recall all these allegations about evidence

  • planning and fabricating evidence and framing an innocent man. Because of all these allegations,

  • the then-police chief Willie Williams did a complete and total departmental review to

  • find out if anybody had done anything wrong at all in connection with the O.J. Simpson

  • case. This is during the trial now. The report came out and found no evidence

  • whatsoever anybody had done anything wrong. It didn’t matter. It didn’t move the needle

  • one way or the other. Those who felt that O.J. Simpson was an innocent man framed by

  • the racist LAPD continue thinking he was an innocent man framed by the racist LAPD, even

  • though the racist LAPD is run by a black man who just did a report that said nobody did

  • anything wrong in connection with the O.J. Simpson case. My point is it didn’t matter.

  • Part of the protesters are demanding diversity in our police departments. As if, once you

  • have diversity, magically these problems are going to go away. L.A. is about 40 percent

  • or so Hispanic, about 30 percent white, a little under 10 percent black, the rest of

  • it is Asian or Pacific Islanders. That’s exactly the percentage of the LAPD, and it

  • is still being accused of being racist. In the NYPD, it’s the same thing. If you look

  • at the racial demographics of the city and look at the demographics of the police department,

  • they mirror each other, and still recently, the officers of the NYPD are being subjected

  • with water balloons. [There are] urine-filled water balloons, trash cans full of water thrown

  • at them, cars set on fire. Never mind how diverse the NYPD is. The average person that

  • the average person on the street is going to encounter will be a person of color, [but]

  • it doesn’t matter, because of this false narrative.

  • The stats simply do not reflect the idea that the police are going after black people. If

  • anything, the stats show the opposite. There is a black economist named Roland Fryer who

  • teaches at Harvard. Because of all these prolific, high profile shootings, he just knew that

  • the police were disproportionately using deadly force against black people. He was kind of

  • surprised that no one had done a comprehensive study to corroborate that, so he thought he

  • would do it. He said that the results were the most surprising of his career.

  • Not only were the police not using deadly force disproportionately against blacks, they

  • were more hesitant, more reluctant to pull the trigger on a black suspect than on the

  • white suspect, presumably because they were afraid of being accused of being racist. That

  • same result was replicated in a study published in a publication put out by the National Academy

  • of Sciences, where researchers looked at every shooting in 2015 [and] every shooting in 2016.

  • [There was the] same conclusion: the police were not using deadly force disproportionately

  • against black people. The reason blacks are two and a half times

  • more likely to be killed by a cop than a white person is the crime rate, which is substantially

  • higher in the black community than in the white community. A young black man is eight

  • times more likely to be a victim of homicide compared to a young white man. The number

  • one cause of preventable homicide of young whites is accidents like car accidents and

  • drownings. The number one cause of death, preventable or non-preventable for a young

  • black person is homicide, almost always committed by another young black person.

  • It’s not cops killing black people, it’s black people killing other black people. According

  • to the CDC, the rate at which cops kill blacks has declined 75 percent in the last 50 or

  • 60 years, while the rate at which police kill whites has flatlined. So arguably, if anybody

  • has anything to complain about, it’s white people, because if you look at the crime rate,

  • one would have thought that the rate at which police kill blacks would be even higher. If