Placeholder Image

Subtitles section Play video

  • Episode 27: Progressive Era

  • Hi, I'm John Green, this is CrashCourse U.S. history, and today we're gonna talk

  • about Progressives.

  • No Stan Progressives.

  • Yes.

  • You know, like these guys who used to want to bomb the means of production, but also

  • less radical Progressives.

  • Mr. Green, Mr. Green.

  • Are we talking about, like, tumblr progressive where it's half discussions of misogyny

  • and half high-contrast images of pizza?

  • Because if so, I can get behind that.

  • Me from the past, your anachronism is showing.

  • Your Internet was green letters on a black screen.

  • But no, The Progressive Era was not like tumblr, however I will argue that it did indirectly

  • make tumblr and therefore JLaw gifsets possible, so that's something.

  • So some of the solutions that progressives came up with to deal with issues of inequality

  • and injustice don't seem terribly progressive today, and also it kinda overlapped with the

  • gilded age, and progressive implies, like, progress, presumably progress toward freedom

  • and justice, which is hard to argue about an era that involved one of the great restrictions

  • on freedom in American history, prohibition.

  • So maybe we shouldn't call it the Progressive Era at all.

  • I g--Stan, whatever, roll the intro.

  • Intro So, if the Gilded Age was the period when

  • American industrial capitalism came into its own, and people like Mark Twain began to criticize

  • its associated problems, then the Progressive era was the age in which people actually tried

  • to solve those problems through individual and group action.

  • As the economy changed, Progressives also had to respond to a rapidly changing political

  • system.

  • The population of the U.S. was growing and its economic power was becoming ever more

  • concentrated.

  • And sometimes, Progressives responded to this by opening up political participation and

  • sometimes by trying to restrict the vote.

  • The thing is, broad participatory democracy doesn't always result in effective government--he

  • said, sounding like the Chinese national Communist Party.

  • And that tension between wanting to have government for, of, and by the people and wanting to

  • have government that's, like, good at governing kind of defined the Progressive era.

  • And also our era.

  • But progressives were most concerned with the social problems that revolved around industrial

  • capitalist society.

  • And most of these problems weren't new by 1900, but some of the responses were.

  • Companies and, later, corporations had a problem that had been around at least since the 1880s:

  • they needed to keep costs down and profits high in a competitive market.

  • And one of the best ways to do this was to keep wages low, hours long, and conditions

  • appalling: your basic house-elf situation.

  • Just kidding, house elves didn't get wages.

  • Also, by the end of the 19th century, people started to feel like these large, monopolistic

  • industrial combinations, the so-called trusts, were exerting too much power over people's

  • lives.

  • The 1890s saw federal attempts to deal with these trusts, such as the Sherman Anti-Trust

  • Act, but overall, the Federal Government wasn't where most progressive changes were made.

  • For instance, there was muckraking, a form of journalism in which reporters would find

  • some muck and rake it.

  • Mass circulation magazines realized they could make money by publishing exposés of industrial

  • and political abuse, so they did.

  • Oh, it's time for the Mystery Document?

  • I bet it involves muck.

  • The rules here are simple.

  • I guess the author of the Mystery Document.

  • I'm either correct or I get shocked.

  • Let a man so much as scrape his finger pushing a truck in the pickle-rooms, and all

  • the joints in his fingers might be eaten by the acid, one by one.

  • Of the butchers and floormen, the beef-boners and trimmers, and all those who used knives,

  • you could scarcely find a person who had the use of his thumb; time and time again the

  • base of it had been slashed, till it was a mere lump of flesh against which the man pressed

  • the knife to hold it.

  • ... They would have no nailsthey had worn them off pulling hides.”

  • Wow.

  • Well now I am hyper-aware of and grateful for my thumbs.

  • They are just in excellent shape.

  • I am so glad, Stan, that I am not a beef-boner at one of the meat-packing factories written

  • about in The Jungle by Upton Sinclair.

  • No shock for me!

  • Oh Stan, I can only imagine how long and hard you've worked to get the phrasebeef-boner

  • into this show.

  • And you finally did it.

  • Congratulations.

  • By the way, just a little bit of trivia: The Jungle was the first book I ever read that

  • made me vomit.

  • So that's a review.

  • I don't know if it's positive, but there you go.

  • Anyway, at the time, readers of The Jungle were more outraged by descriptions of rotten

  • meat than by the treatment of meatpacking workers: The Jungle led to the Pure Food and

  • Drug Act and the Meat Inspection Act of 1906.

  • That's pretty cool for Upton Sinclair, although my books have also led to some federal legislation,

  • such as the HAOPT, which officially declared Hazel and Augustus the nation's OTP.

  • So, to be fair, writers had been describing the harshness of industrial capitalism for

  • decades, so muckraking wasn't really that new, but the use of photography for documentation

  • was.

  • Lewis Hine, for instance, photographed child laborers in factories and mines, bringing

  • Americans face to face with the more than 2 million children under the age of 15 working

  • for wages.

  • And Hine's photos helped bring about laws that limited child labor.

  • But even more important than the writing and photographs and magazines when it came to

  • improving conditions for workers was Twitterwhat's that?

  • There was no twitter?

  • Still?

  • What is this 1812?

  • Alright, so apparently still without Twitter, workers had to organize into unions to get

  • corporations to reduce hours and raise their pay.

  • Also some employers started to realize on their own that one way to mitigate some of

  • the problems of industrialization was to pay workers better, like in 1914, Henry Ford paid

  • his workers an average of $5 per day, unheard of at the time.

  • . Whereas today I pay Stan and Danica 3x that

  • and still they whine.

  • Ford's reasoning was that better-paid workers would be better able to afford the Model Ts

  • that they were making.

  • And indeed, Ford's annual output rose from 34,000 cars to 730,000 between 1910 and 1916,

  • and the price of a Model T dropped from $700 to $316.

  • Still, Henry Ford definitely forgot to be awesome sometimes; he was anti-Semitic, he

  • used spies in his factories, and he named his child Edsel.

  • Also like most employers at the turn of the century, he was virulently anti-union.

  • So, while the AFL was organizing the most privileged industrial workers, another union

  • grew up to advocate for rights for a larger swath of the workforce, especially the immigrants

  • who dominated unskilled labor: The International Workers of the World.

  • They were also known as the Wobblies, and they were founded in 1905 to advocate for

  • every wage-worker, no matter what his religion, fatherland or trade,” and not, as the name

  • Wobblies suggests, just those fans of wibbly-wobbly-timey-wimey.

  • The Wobblies were radical socialists; ultimately they wanted to see capitalism and the state

  • disappear in revolution.

  • Now, most progressives didn't go that far, but some, following the ideas of Henry George,

  • worried that economic progress could produce a dangerous unequal distribution of wealth

  • that could only be cured bytaxes.

  • But, more Progressives were influenced by Simon W. Patten who prophesied that industrialization

  • would bring about a new civilization where everyone would benefit from the abundance

  • and all the leisure time that all these new labor-saving devices could bring.

  • This optimism was partly spurred by the birth of a mass consumption society.

  • I mean, Americans by 1915 could purchase all kinds of new-fangled devices, like washing

  • machines, or vacuum cleaners, automobiles, record players.

  • It's worth underscoring that all this happened in a couple generations: I mean, in 1850,

  • almost everyone listened to music and washed their clothes in nearly the same way that

  • people did 10,000 years ago.

  • And then BOOM.

  • And for many progressives, this consumer culture, to quote our old friend Eric Foner, “became

  • the foundation for a new understanding of freedom as access to the cornucopia of goods

  • made available by modern capitalism.”

  • And this idea was encouraged by new advertising that connected goods with freedom, usingliberty

  • as a brand name or affixing the Statue of Liberty to a product.

  • By the way, Crash Course is made exclusively in the United States of America, the greatest

  • nation on earth ever.

  • (Libertage.)

  • That's a lie, of course, but you're allowed to lie in advertising.

  • But in spite of this optimism, most progressives were concerned that industrial capitalism,

  • with its exploitation of labor and concentration of wealth, was limiting, rather than increasing

  • freedom, but depending on how you definedfreedom,” of course.

  • Industrialization created what they referred to asthe labor problemas mechanization

  • diminished opportunities for skilled workers and the supervised routine of the factory

  • floor destroyed autonomy.

  • The scientific workplace management advocated by efficiency expert Frederick W. Taylor required

  • rigid rules and supervision in order to heighten worker productivity.

  • So if you've ever had a job with a defined number of bathroom breaks, that's why.

  • AlsoTaylorismfound its way into classrooms; and anyone who's had to sit in rows for

  • 45 minute periods punctuated by factory-style bells knows that this atmosphere is not particularly

  • conducive to a sense of freedom.

  • Now this is a little bit confusing because while responding to worker exploitation was

  • part of the Progressive movement, so was Taylorism itself because it was an application of research,

  • observation, and expertise in response to the vexing problem of how to increase productivity.

  • And this use of scientific experts is another hallmark of the Progressive era, one that

  • usually found its expression in politics.

  • American Progressives, like their counterparts in the Green Sections of Not-America, sought

  • government solutions to social problems.

  • Germany, which is somewhere over here, pioneeredsocial legislationwith its minimum

  • wage, unemployment insurance and old age pension laws, but the idea that government action

  • could address the problems and insecurities that characterized the modern industrial world,

  • also became prominent in the United States.

  • And the notion that an activist government could enhance rather than threaten people's

  • freedom was something new in America.

  • Now, Progressives pushing for social legislation tended to have more success at the state and