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  • In a study in the 1990s,

  • participants recalled getting lost in a shopping mall as children.

  • Some shared these memories in vivid detail

  • one even remembered that the old man who rescued him

  • was wearing a flannel shirt.

  • But none of these people had actually gotten lost in a mall.

  • They produced these false memories

  • when the psychologists conducting the study told them they'd gotten lost,

  • and although they might not remember the incident,

  • their parents had confirmed it.

  • And it wasn't just one or two people who thought they remembered getting lost

  • a quarter of the participants did.

  • These findings may sound unbelievable,

  • but they actually reflect a very common experience.

  • Our memories are sometimes unreliable.

  • And though we still don't know precisely what causes this fallibility

  • on a neurological level,

  • research has highlighted some of the most common ways our memories

  • diverge from what actually happened.

  • The mall study highlights how we can incorporate information

  • from outside sources,

  • like other people or the news,

  • into our personal recollections without realizing it.

  • This kind of suggestibility is just one influence on our memories.

  • Take another study,

  • in which researchers briefly showed a random collection of photographs

  • to a group of participants,

  • including images of a university campus none of them had ever visited.

  • When shown the images three weeks later,

  • a majority of participants said that they had probably or definitely

  • visited the campus in the past.

  • The participants misattributed information from one contextan image they'd seen

  • onto another— a memory of something they believed they actually experienced.

  • In another experiment, people were shown an image of a magnifying glass,

  • and then told to imagine a lollipop.

  • They frequently recalled that they saw the magnifying glass and the lollipop.

  • They struggled to link the objects to the correct context

  • whether they actually saw them, or simply imagined them.

  • Another study, where a psychologist questioned over 2,000 people

  • on their views about the legalization of marijuana,

  • highlights yet another kind of influence on memory.

  • Participants answered questions in 1973 and 1982.

  • Those who said they had supported marijuana legalization in 1973,

  • but reported they were against it in 1982,

  • were more likely to recall that they were actually against legalization in 1973—

  • bringing their old views in line with their current ones.

  • Our current opinions, feelings, and experiences

  • can bias our memories of how we felt in the past.

  • In another study,

  • researchers gave two groups of participants background information

  • on a historical war and asked them to rate the likelihood that each side would win.

  • They gave each group the same information,

  • except that they only told one group who had actually won the war

  • the other group didn't know the real world outcome.

  • In theory, both groups' answers should be similar,

  • because the likelihood of each side winning

  • isn't effected by who actually won

  • if there's a 20% chance of thunderstorms, and a thunderstorm happens,

  • the chance of thunderstorms doesn't retroactively go up to 100%.

  • Still, the group that knew how the war ended

  • rated the winning side as more likely to win than the group who did not.

  • All of these fallibilities of memory can have real-world impacts.

  • If police interrogations use leading questions with eye witnesses or suspects,

  • suggestibility could result in incorrect identifications or unreliable confessions.

  • Even in the absence of leading questions,

  • misattribution can lead to inaccurate eyewitness testimony.

  • In a courtroom,

  • if a judge rules a piece of evidence inadmissible

  • and tells jurors to disregard it, they may not be able to do so.

  • In a medical setting, if a patient seeks a second opinion

  • and the second physician is aware of the first one's diagnosis,

  • that knowledge may bias their conclusion.

  • Our memories are not ironclad representations of reality,

  • but subjective perceptions.

  • And there's not necessarily anything wrong with that

  • the problems arise when we treat memory as fact,

  • rather than accepting this fundamental truth

  • about the nature of our recollections.

In a study in the 1990s,

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