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  • Chris Anderson: Hello, TED community,

  • welcome back for another live conversation.

  • It's a big one today, as big as they get.

  • You know, when we created this "Build Back Better" series

  • our thought was how could we address issues arising out of the pandemic,

  • how could we imagine building back from that.

  • But the events of this past week,

  • the horrific death of George Floyd and the daily protests that have followed,

  • I mean, they provided a new urgency

  • which we, of course, simply have to address.

  • I mean, can we build back better from this?

  • I think before we can even start to answer that question,

  • we just have to seek to understand the immensity of this moment.

  • Whitney Pennington Rodgers: That's right, Chris.

  • Right now, so many people in the United States and beyond

  • are grappling with feelings of anger and frustration, deep, deep sadness

  • and really helplessness.

  • No matter who you are,

  • you have questions about what to do now,

  • how to make things better.

  • And as we've seen,

  • violence like this unfolds for many, many years.

  • What is the path forward?

  • CA: So --

  • We're joined today by a group of activists,

  • organizers and leaders

  • known for their crucial work in social justice and civil rights.

  • We're so grateful to have them here to engage in a discussion

  • about racial injustice in America,

  • the unbearable acts of violence that we've --

  • Acts of violence against the black community

  • that we've witnessed,

  • the dangers to a nation riven by anger and fear.

  • And how on earth we can move forward from this

  • to something better.

  • So first, each of our four guests will share their thoughts

  • on how we move forward from this moment.

  • And then we'll engage as a group,

  • including you, the TED community.

  • WPR: And we'd like to thank our partner, the Project Management Institute.

  • Their generous support has helped make today's interviews possible,

  • and of course, as Chris mentioned,

  • we want you to take part in the conversation,

  • so please share your questions using our Ask a question feature

  • and continue to share your thoughts in the discussion thread.

  • CA: Thanks, Whitney.

  • OK, let's get this moving.

  • Our first guest.

  • Dr. Phillip Atiba Goff is the founder and CEO

  • of the Center for Policing Equity.

  • They work with police departments across America, including in Minneapolis,

  • to seek measurable responses to racial bias.

  • Phil, I can scarcely imagine

  • how the stress in the last week must have been for you.

  • Welcome, and over to you for your opening comments.

  • Phillip Atiba Goff: Thanks, Chris.

  • Yeah, this week has been a gut punch

  • to anybody who felt like we could be making progress

  • in the way that we put forward public safety that empowers

  • particularly vulnerable communities.

  • We started working in Minneapolis about five years ago.

  • At the time, it was, like most major cities in the United States,

  • a department that had a long history

  • of unaccounted for violence from law enforcement,

  • targeting the most vulnerable black communities.

  • And we tried to put into place a number of things that we know work.

  • Change the culture,

  • so that the culture can be accountable to the values of the community.

  • And what we saw was small but measurable progress.

  • We always knew,

  • with small and measurable progress,

  • that you're one tragic incident from going back to ground zero.

  • But the events of the last week and a half

  • haven't brought us back to ground zero,

  • they've torched ground zero, and we've dug a hole

  • that we have to dig ourselves out of.

  • What I hear from police chiefs who call me,

  • from activists I talk to,

  • from folks in the communities that are literally on fire right now,

  • I hear folks saying, I had one activist say to me

  • that the pain that he was feeling

  • was too large to fit into his body.

  • And without thinking about it, I said right back,

  • "That's because it's too large to fit into a lifetime."

  • What we're seeing isn't just the response to one gruesome,

  • cruel, public execution.

  • A lynching.

  • It's not just the reaction to three of them:

  • Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor

  • and then George Floyd.

  • What we're seeing is the bill come due

  • for the unpaid debts that this country owes

  • to its black residents.

  • And it comes due usually every 20 to 30 years.

  • It was Ferguson just six years ago,

  • but about 30 years before that,

  • it was in the streets of Los Angeles,

  • after the verdict that exonerated the police

  • that beat Rodney King on video.

  • It was Newark, it was Watts,

  • it was Chicago, it was Tulsa,

  • it was Chicago again.

  • If we don't take a full accounting of these debts that are owed,

  • then we're going to keep paying it.

  • Part of what I've been experiencing in the last week and a half,

  • and what I've been sharing with the people who do this work,

  • who are serious about it,

  • is the acknowledgment,

  • the soul-crushing reality

  • that at some point, when things stop being on fire,

  • the cameras are going to turn to something else.

  • And the history that we have in this country

  • is not just a history of vicious neglect

  • and a targeted abuse of black communities,

  • it's also one where we lose our attention for it.

  • And what that means for communities like in Baton Rouge,

  • for those who still grieve Alton Sterling,

  • and in Baltimore, for those who are still grieving Freddie Gray,

  • is that there is not just a chance, there's a likelihood

  • that we are a month or two months out from this

  • with no more to show for it than what we had to show

  • after Michael Brown Jr.

  • And holding the weight of that,

  • individually and collectively,

  • is just too much.

  • It's just too heavy a load

  • for a person or a people, or a generation to hold up.

  • What we're seeing is the unrepentant sins,

  • the unpaid debts.

  • And so the solution can't just be that we fix policing.

  • It can't be only incremental reform.

  • It can't be only systems of accountability

  • to catch cops after they've killed somebody.

  • Because there's no such thing as justice for George Floyd.

  • There's maybe accountability.

  • There's maybe some relief from the people who are still around, who loved him,

  • for his daughter who spoke out yesterday

  • and said, "My Daddy changed the world."

  • There won't be justice for a man who's dead

  • when he didn't have to be.

  • But we're not going to get to where we need to go

  • just by reforming police.

  • So in addition to the work that CPE is known for with the data,

  • we have been encouraging departments and cities

  • to take the money that should be going to invest in communities,

  • and take it from police budgets,

  • bring it to the communities.

  • People ask, "Well, what could it possibly look like?

  • How could we imagine it?"

  • And I tell people,

  • there is a place where we do this in the United States right now.

  • We've all heard about it, whispered,

  • some of us have even been there, some of us live there.

  • The place is called the suburbs,

  • where we already have enough resources

  • to give to people,

  • so they don't need the police for public safety in the first place.

  • If someone has a substance abuse issue, they can go to a clinic.

  • If somebody has a medical issue,

  • they've got insurance, they can go to a hospital.

  • If there's a domestic dispute, they have friends, they have support.

  • You don't need to enter a badge and a gun into it.

  • If we hadn't disinvested from all the public resources

  • that were available in communities that most needed those,

  • we wouldn't need police in the first place,

  • and many have been arguing, even more loudly recently,

  • that we don't.

  • If we would just take the money that we use to punish,

  • and instead invest it

  • in the promise and the genius of the community that could be there.

  • So I don't know all the ways we're going to get there.

  • I know it's going to take everything and.

  • It's going to need the kind of systemic change

  • and the management tools that we traditionally offer.

  • It's also going to need a quantum change

  • in the way that we think about public safety.

  • But mostly, this isn't just a policing problem.

  • This is the unpaid debts

  • that are owed to black America.

  • The bill is coming due.

  • And we need to start getting an accounting together,

  • so we're not just paying off the interest of the damn thing.

  • WPR: Thank you, Phil.

  • Rashad Robinson is the president of Color Of Change,

  • a civil rights organization

  • that advocates for racial justice for the black community.

  • To date, more than four million people have signed their petition

  • to arrest the officers involved in the murder of George Floyd.

  • And of course, one was arrested last week.

  • Thank you so much for being with us, Rashad, welcome.

  • Rashad Robinson: Thank you. And thank you for having me.

  • It's an opportunity that I'm taking today

  • to just tell you about how you can get involved.

  • How you can take action,

  • because right now, strategic action is critical

  • for all of us to do the work to change the rules

  • that far too often keep the systems in place

  • that hold us back.

  • Make no mistake,

  • the criminal justice system is not broken.

  • It is operating exactly the way it was designed.

  • At every single level,

  • the criminal justice system is not about providing justice,

  • but about ensuring that certain people, certain communities are protected,

  • while other communities are violated.

  • And so I wan to talk a little bit today about Color Of Change,

  • about activism, about the work that's happening on the ground

  • from other organizations all around the country,

  • and the way that you can channel this energy.

  • What we talk about at Color Of Change

  • is how do you channel presence into power.

  • Far too often we mistake presence and visibility for power,

  • presence retweets the stories of the movement,

  • people feeling passion about change

  • could sometimes make us feel like change is inevitable,

  • but power is actually the ability to change the rules.

  • And right now, every day, people are taking action,

  • and what we're trying to channel that energy into

  • is a couple of things.

  • First is a whole set of demands at the federal level

  • and at the local level.

  • As Phil described,

  • policing operates on many different channels.

  • And what we need to recognize

  • is that while there are a lot of things that can happen at the federal level,

  • locally all around the country

  • there are decisions that are being made in communities

  • around how policing is executed,

  • where community needs to hold a deeper level of accountability,

  • at the state level we need new laws.

  • So at Color Of Change,

  • we've built a whole platform around a set of demands

  • and are working to build more energy

  • for everyday people to take action.

  • We're fighting for justice

  • for Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and George Floyd,

  • we're also fighting for justice

  • for other folks whose names you haven't heard,

  • Nina Pop and others,

  • whose stories of injustice

  • and the relationship to the criminal justice system

  • represent all the ways in which fighting right now is important.

  • Over the last couple of years,

  • we have worked to build a movement,

  • to hold district attorneys accountable

  • and to change the role of district attorneys in our country.

  • And through the Winning Justice platform at Color Of Change,

  • www.winningjustice.org,

  • what we have worked to do is channel the energy

  • of everyday people to take action.

  • So, for folks who are watching what's happening on TV,

  • seeing it on their social media feeds

  • and are outraged about what's happening in Georgia,

  • what's happening in Tennessee,

  • what's happening in Minnesota,

  • you yourself, probably, most likely,

  • live in a place, in a community

  • where you have a district attorney

  • that will not hold police accountable,

  • that will not prosecute police when they harm, hurt black folks,

  • when they violate the laws,

  • you live in a community

  • where police are part of the structure

  • that is racking up mass incarceration,

  • but many other aspects of our system

  • are racking up mass incarceration,

  • and district attorneys are at the center of it.

  • You live in those communities and you need to do something about it.

  • And so at winningjustice.org,

  • we've created the only searchable, national database

  • on the 2,400 prosecutors around the country.

  • We're building local squads and communities

  • for folks to be able to engage around efforts that hold DAs accountable.

  • We've worked with our partners across the movement,

  • from our friends in Black Lives Matter,

  • to folks who do policy work,

  • to our friends at local ACLU chapters around the country,

  • to build six demands.

  • Six demands that folks can get behind in terms of pushing for reform,

  • and then we've built public education material.

  • But the only way that we work to change the way

  • that prosecution happens in this country

  • is that if people get involved.

  • If people raise their voice,

  • if people join us in pushing for real change.

  • At the end of the day, I want people to recognize though,

  • and Phillip talked a little bit about this,

  • is that people don't experience issues, they experience life.

  • That the forces that hold us back are deeply interrelated,

  • a racist criminal justice system

  • requires a racist media culture to survive,

  • a political inequality follows economic inequality,

  • they all go hand in hand.

  • And so I also want us to not take ourselves out of the equation.

  • We likely work inside of corporations that may post symbols

  • for Black Lives Matter one day,

  • and then support politicians that work to destroy Black Lives Matter

  • the next day.

  • We oftentimes are engaged in practices inside of our companies

  • or in our daily lives supporting media properties and others

  • that are harming our communities,

  • are telling stories.

  • Recently, we produced a report at Color Of Change

  • with the Norman Lear school at USC.

  • It's called "Normalizing Injustice,"

  • and it can be found at changehollywood.org.

  • And "Normalizing Injustice" looks at the 22 crime procedurals,

  • those crime shows on TV.

  • And looks at all of the ways

  • in which they, sort of, create a warped perception

  • about our view of justice.

  • They create sort of an incentive

  • for the type of policing we see on the country,

  • and actually serve as a PR arm for law enforcement.

  • We've been working in writers rooms around the country

  • to work to push folks to tell better stories,

  • but we need folks to be both active listeners,

  • and we need folks in the industry to push back

  • and challenge those,

  • not only the structures that lead to that content coming on the air,

  • but the proliferation across our airwaves.

  • At the end of the day,

  • we have an opportunity in this moment to make change.

  • Inflection points are those moments

  • where we have an opportunity to make huge leaps forward,

  • or the real, real threat of falling backwards.

  • In our hands is the ability to do some incredible things

  • about undoing so many of the injustices

  • that have stood in the way of progress for far too long.

  • But everyday people must get involved.

  • We must channel that presence into power,

  • and we must build the type of power that changes the rules.

  • Racism in so many ways is like water

  • pouring over a floor with holes in it.

  • Every single --

  • In every single way, it will find the holes.

  • And so for us,

  • we cannot simply accept

  • charitable solutions to structural problems,

  • but we actually have to work for structural change.

  • And so I want to end by saying one thing about how we talk about black people

  • and how we talk about black communities in this moment.

  • Because we have to say what we mean,

  • and we have to build the narrative that gets us to where we want to go.

  • So far too often,

  • we talk about black communities as vulnerable,

  • we talk about black people as vulnerable,

  • but vulnerability is a personal trait,

  • black communities have been under attack.

  • Black communities have been exploited, black communities have been targeted,

  • and we need to say that,

  • so we don't put the onus on fixing black families and communities,

  • but we put the onus on fixing the structures that have harmed us.

  • We will say things like,

  • "Black people are less likely to get loans from banks,"

  • instead of saying that banks are less likely

  • to give loans to black people.

  • This is our opportunity to build the type of progress

  • that makes real change,

  • and at the center of this story,

  • we need to show and elevate the images

  • not just of the pain that we are facing,

  • but of the joy, the brilliance and the creativity

  • that black people have brought to this country.

  • Black people are the protagonist of this story,

  • and we need to make sure

  • that as we work to build a new tomorrow,

  • we ensure that the heroes are at the center

  • of the liberation that we all need.

  • Thank you.

  • CA: Thank you, Rashad.

  • Dr. Bernice King is the CEO of the King Center in Atlanta, Georgia.

  • The center is a living memorial

  • to her father, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

  • It's dedicated to inspiring new generations

  • to carry his work forward.

  • In this moment, when so many are hurting,

  • how can we better approach unity and collective healing?

  • Dr. King, over to you.

  • Bernice King: My heart is a little heavy right now,

  • because I was that six-year-old.

  • I was five years old when my father was assassinated.

  • And he did change the world.

  • But the tragedy is that we didn't hear

  • what he was saying to us as a prophet to this nation.

  • And his words are now reverberating back to us.

  • Change, we all know, is necessary right now.

  • And yet, it's not easy.

  • We know that there has to be changes in policing in this nation of ours.

  • But I want to talk about America's choice

  • at a greater level.

  • The prophet said to us,

  • "We still have a choice today:

  • nonviolent coexistence,

  • or violent coannihilation."

  • What we have witnessed over the last eight days

  • has placed that choice before us.

  • We have seen literally in the streets of our nation

  • people who have been following the path of nonviolent protest,

  • and people who have been hell-bent on destruction.

  • Those choices are now looking at us, and we have to make a choice.

  • The history of this nation was founded in violence.

  • In fact, my father said

  • America is the greatest purveyor of violence.

  • And the only way forward is if we repent

  • for being a nation built on violence.

  • And I'm not just talking about physical violence.

  • I'm talking about systemic violence,

  • I'm talking about policy violence,

  • I'm talking about what he spoke of

  • are the triple evils of poverty, racism and militarism.

  • All violent.

  • Albert Einstein said something to us.

  • He said we cannot solve problems

  • on the same level of thinking in which they were created.

  • And so if we are going to move forward,

  • we are going to have to deconstruct these systems of violence

  • that we have set in America.

  • And we're going to have to reconstruct on another foundation.

  • That foundation happens to be love and nonviolence.

  • And so, as we move forward,

  • we can correct course if we make that choice

  • that Daddy said, nonviolent coexistence.

  • And not continue on the pathway of violent coannihilation.

  • So what does that look like?

  • That looks like some deconstruction work

  • in order to get to the construction.

  • We have to deconstruct our thinking.

  • We've got to deconstruct the way in which we see people

  • and deconstruct the way in which we operate,

  • practice and engage and set policy.

  • And so I believe that there's a lot of heart,

  • h-e-a-r-t work to do,

  • in the midst of all the h-a-r-d, hard work to do.

  • Because heart work is hard work.

  • One of the things we have to do

  • is we have to ensure that everyone,

  • especially my white brothers and sisters,

  • have to engage in the heart work, the antiracism work,

  • in our hearts.

  • No one is exempt from this,

  • especially in my white community.

  • We must do that work in our hearts,

  • the antiracism work.

  • The second thing is

  • that I encourage people

  • to look at the nonviolence training that we [have] at the King Center,

  • thekingcenter.org,

  • so that we learn the foundation of understanding

  • our interrelatedness and interconnectedness.

  • That we understand our loyalties and our commitments

  • and our policy-making

  • can no longer be devoted to one group of people,

  • but has to be devoted to the greater good of all people.

  • And so I'm inviting people to even join us

  • on our own line of protest

  • that's happening every night at seven o'clock pm

  • on the King Center Facebook page,

  • because so many people have things that they want to express

  • and contribute to this.

  • We all have to change and have to make a choice.

  • It is a choice to change the direction that we have been going.

  • We need a revolution of values in this country.

  • That's what my Daddy said.

  • He changed the world, he changed hearts,

  • and now, what has happened over the last seven, eight years

  • and through history,

  • we have to change course.

  • And we all have to participate in changing America

  • with the true revolution of values,

  • where people are at the center,

  • and not profit.

  • Where morality is at the center,

  • and not our military might.

  • America does have a choice.

  • We can either choose to go down continually that path of destruction,

  • or we can choose nonviolent coexistence.

  • And as my mother said,

  • struggle is a never-ending process,

  • freedom is never really won.

  • You earn it and win it in every generation.

  • Every generation is called to this freedom struggle.

  • You as a person may want to exempt yourself,

  • but every generation is called.

  • And so I encourage corporations in America

  • to start doing antiracism work within corporate America.

  • I encourage every industry to start doing antiracism work,

  • and pick up the banner of understanding nonviolent change, personally,

  • and from a social change perspective.

  • We can do this.

  • We can make the right choice

  • to ultimately build the beloved community.

  • Thank you.

  • WPR: Thank you, Dr. King.

  • Anthony Romero is the executive director

  • of American Civil Liberties Union.

  • As one of the nation's oldest social justice organizations,

  • the ACLU has advocated for racial equality

  • and shown deep support to the black community

  • in moments of crisis.

  • And in moments like these,

  • black voices are almost always the loudest

  • and at times the silence from our nonblack brothers and sisters

  • can feel deafening.

  • How we can bring our allies into the mix,

  • to better support ending systemic violence and racism against the black communities,

  • is a question top of mind for a lot of us.

  • Anthony, welcome to the show,

  • and thank you so much for being with us.

  • Anthony Romero: Great.

  • Thank you, thank you Whitney,

  • thank you, Chris,

  • for inviting me to join this TED community.

  • I think community is really important right now.

  • With so many of us feeling trepidation,

  • the weariness, the anger,

  • the fear, the frustration,

  • the terrorism that we've experienced in our communities.

  • This is a time to huddle around a virtual campfire,

  • with your posse, with your family,

  • with your loved ones, with your network.

  • It's not a time to be isolated or alone.

  • And I think for allies in this struggle,

  • those of us who don't live this experience every day,

  • it is time for us to lean in.

  • You can't change the channel,

  • you can't tune out,

  • you can't say, "This is too hard."

  • It is not that hard for us to listen and learn and heed.

  • It is the only way we're going to build out of this,

  • by hearing the voices of Rashad, and Phil and Dr. King.

  • By hearing the voices of our neighbors and loved ones,

  • by hearing the voices on Twitter of people who we don't know.

  • And so white communities and allied organizations

  • need to pay even closer attention.

  • This is the test of your character.

  • How willing are you to lean in and to engage.

  • For me, I have --

  • These have been really hard couple of weeks.

  • I feel like this is really a test

  • of whether or not we really believe in the American experiment.

  • Do we really believe it?

  • Do we really believe that out of many, one,

  • a country with no unifying language,

  • no unifying culture,

  • no unifying religion,

  • can we really become one people?

  • All equal before the law?

  • All bound together with a belief in the rule of law?

  • Do we really believe that

  • or do we just think it's a nice saying

  • to see on the back of a paper dollar?

  • And for me, this is a referendum on the American experiment.

  • On whether we really believe,

  • and ...

  • the future is in our hands.

  • And this is not like other crises,

  • I've been the head of the ACLU for almost 20 years,

  • I feel like I've seen it all.

  • This is different.

  • And this is different because it is cumulative,

  • like Phil and Rashad and Dr. King told us,

  • this is centuries of systemic discrimination,

  • and the bill has come due.

  • And it will continue to be due,

  • and we will pay.

  • Unless we really do something quite different.

  • I have been scratching my head at the ACLU for the last week.

  • We've been at this for 100 years.

  • My organization has been working on this from its inception.

  • In 1931, we were involved with this report about lawlessness in law enforcement.

  • That was our first report that we got behind in 1931.

  • We opened up our first door fronts after the riots in Watts,

  • so that we can bring legal services and lawyers to the communities

  • so they could demand justice from the police departments.

  • You know, we brought Miranda, you know,

  • the right to remain silent,

  • and we brought Gideon, the right to a court-appointed attorney

  • if you can't afford one.

  • We fought Bloomberg on "stop-and-frisk,"

  • it took him years and he lost in front of our litigation

  • to finally apologize.

  • We've been at this for 100 years.

  • And for the communities that have lived this for 400 years, God.

  • I've been scratching my head, thinking.

  • It ain't working.

  • We don't need another pattern and practice lawsuit.

  • We don't need another training program

  • on racial bias or implicit bias in police departments,

  • we don't need to file another lawsuit on qualified immunity,

  • we don't need to, kind of, bring another race discrimination

  • or gender discrimination lawsuit

  • to integrate the police department.

  • Yeah, we've done that and we will continue to do that.

  • For me, where I've come,

  • is that we need to defund the budgets of these police departments.

  • It's the only way we're going to take the power back.

  • And the more I read over the last couple of weeks

  • about where this country is,

  • the more I'm clear that that is my North star at the moment.

  • We will continue to bring the litigation on qualified immunity,

  • we will do the efforts

  • to hold unaccountable law enforcement officials accountable,

  • we will bring pattern and practice lawsuits,

  • because the justice department is not doing that,

  • so we will continue to do all that good work.

  • But the real thing is, we're going to go after those budgets.

  • When you look at the fact

  • that we spend 100 million dollars on policing,

  • more than incarceration,

  • that the city of Minneapolis spent 30 percent of their budget

  • on policing.

  • The city of Oakland, 41 percent on policing.

  • That when you have New York City police department

  • spend more money on policing

  • than it does on housing and preservation development,

  • community youth services, homelessness.

  • We're going after the money.

  • And that's hard-core advocacy.

  • Bills drop in local legislatures

  • to cut the funding for police,

  • to stop these programs

  • that give the federal military surplus

  • to police departments,

  • so they become, like, little mini armies,

  • these don't look like police officers,

  • these look like standing armies.

  • And the enemy are communities of color.

  • So we need to take away their toys.

  • We need to cut their budgets.

  • We need to shrink the police infrastructure,

  • so that we can get police out of the quotidian lives of people of color

  • and communities of color.

  • The ubiquitousness of police enforcement

  • on things that the police do not have a role,

  • should not have a role to play.

  • People should not lose their lives

  • over whether or not a cigarette pack has a proper tax stamp,

  • or whether a 20-dollar bill was forged or not.

  • That's not worthy of spending our dollars on police.

  • Get them out of that business,

  • let's focus on the most important and the most serious of crimes,

  • and that's it.

  • That's it.

  • We're going to depolice our communities.

  • Shrink those budgets.

  • We're going to reinvest those moneys in local communities,

  • it will be like water on stone campaigns,

  • local legislatures,

  • local city counsels, lab report cards,

  • for people who talk out of both sides of their mouths and say,

  • "We believe in police reform,"

  • and yet, they're still going to vote for 30 or 40 percent for the police?

  • We're going to put that right to the public.

  • And I think we just have to stay at it,

  • because I think that's the only way we can get at this in a different way.

  • Because much of what we tried to do is just simply not working.

  • You know, with that,

  • I struggle with, how do you find the optimism in this moment,

  • because you have to find the optimism.

  • You have to find the way

  • to still think that even though on the face of so many setbacks,

  • there's been change.

  • It's been too little, too slow, not enough.

  • We need to kind of, rock it, boost it.

  • But you can't lose sight of the optimism.

  • And you know, I've been thinking about who are the folks inspiring me,

  • and Dr. King's father, of course,

  • and the words of Rashad and Patrisse Cullors

  • and others have inspired me.

  • But I find inspiration in the words of a scholar

  • I really don't like bringing up, Sam Huntington,

  • kind of often criticized as being a conservative, a racist.

  • But sometimes you can find inspiration even in your enemy's words.

  • And in one of his books,

  • which I pulled off the shelf I have,

  • he writes about how America is a disappointment,

  • because it failed to live up to its aspirations.

  • And he actually started talking about, America is a failure

  • because it doesn't live up to its ideals.

  • But it's not a failure, it's not a bunch of lies.

  • It's a disappointment.

  • And in the disappointment also is the fact that there's hope.

  • I'm paraphrasing it,

  • but I think we have to kind of, wrap all of that together,

  • and think about the disappointment

  • and the hope and the resolve to do better.

  • And we need to listen and lean in,

  • and I thank the TED community,

  • I thank Dr. King, I thank Rashad, I thank Phil.

  • Thank you.

  • CA: Wow.

  • Thank you to all four of you, that was astonishing.

  • I guess we're bringing everyone back now

  • to have a conversation among us,

  • to answer questions from our community,

  • I hope you're entering those questions.

  • So I don't know whether we can bring back our guests onto the screen at this point.

  • Welcome back.

  • Let me start with a question to you, Dr. King,

  • I was so inspired by what you said.

  • Your father, of course, also deeply understood

  • the anger that leads to protest.

  • I think he said that protests are the language of the unheard.

  • And I'm wondering what you would say to someone right now

  • who is angered beyond measure by what's happened,

  • and also sees this could be the moment, you know,

  • like, someone who believes the system is so fundamentally broken,

  • that our best choice is to tear it down,

  • that that is actually --

  • This may be a once-in-a-generation moment to do that.

  • And so to actually believe that protest, including violent protest,

  • actually is the way right now.

  • What would you say to someone who felt that?

  • BK: First, I just wanted to make just a slight correction,

  • he said riots are the language of the unheard.

  • CA: I apologize, I apologize.

  • But that is the point even more powerfully, yeah.

  • BK: Yes.

  • Protest we must,

  • and we must continue to always protest,

  • to keep the issues in the awareness before people,

  • but you know,

  • when a person is angry, sometimes it's hard to reach them.

  • I've been on that journey,

  • I was at a stage of my life where I was so angry, I wanted to destroy,

  • and I'm the daughter of Martin Luther King Jr.,

  • and grew up in a household of love and nonviolence and forgiveness,

  • and I had to go through that journey

  • I was surrounded by the right kind of influences, fortunately.

  • Because that would have been a sad story.

  • But I think it's really

  • allowing ourselves to hear the anger

  • and allowing the space for the anger,

  • but also trying to help young people

  • rechannel that energy.

  • And we've got to start ensuring that we connect them

  • to some of the work that has been and now is elevated to another place.

  • Color Of Change, the work that you're doing,

  • the ACLU, the work that they're doing,

  • because sometimes,

  • there's this disconnection that intensifies the emotion

  • and makes you feel helpless.

  • But if you can channel that anger,

  • connect it with action that is toward creating

  • the social and economic change,

  • then it begins to build you up,

  • and then you can begin to become more constructive with the anger.

  • WPR: We have some questions that are coming in from our community,

  • but before we do that,

  • you all shared such powerful, meaningful statements right now,

  • and many of you touched on the fact that this is not the first time

  • that we're experiencing this.

  • The murder of George Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor,

  • this is one of --

  • these are three of many, many instances just like this,

  • and I'd love to hear you all address

  • was has, sort of, brought us to this boiling point,

  • what has contributed to this moment

  • where we're now experiencing things, Anthony, as you said,

  • that feels so much worse than other moments?

  • And that's it,

  • anyone who feels comfortable to take that question.

  • AR: Rashad, I want to hear you.

  • BK: I wanted to say something.

  • I think we've always been at that moment.

  • But this moment is different, because of the void in leadership.

  • There's no real moral voice in our country,

  • and the person who sits in the office of the presidency

  • is not, you know, leading in the right way.

  • And has kind of --

  • no, not kind of, has given license to certain things.

  • And so now it's,

  • you know, he's lit the fires.

  • WPR: Yeah.

  • RR: The thing I'll add ...

  • The thing I'll add here is, you know, a couple of things.

  • For the last couple of months,

  • we have been both seeing and experiencing

  • all of the ways that this country's decisions of underinvestment,

  • of targeting black communities,

  • has been killing black people through COVID.

  • And while we've been in our homes,

  • we have also been watching how the media has blamed us

  • as we have been the essential workers in so many places

  • and trying to ensure that this country keeps going.

  • We've watched white men with guns show up to capitols

  • demanding, basically, black and brown people go back to work.

  • And then we see this eight-minute video

  • with a police officer,

  • with his knee on someone's neck,

  • after seeing that video of Ahmaud Arbery

  • and hearing the story of Breonna Taylor,

  • and we see him looking in the camera,

  • basically knowing that America was not going to punish him.

  • And what I think it is is that it's just enough is enough,

  • that people didn't feel that they had a channel for that outrage,

  • and because people had been inside,

  • and because people had been experiencing

  • all the ways in which the structures had also been colluding to kill us,

  • that what we're seeing is alignment of all of those things,

  • where people are making demands

  • that are much bigger and much bolder than before.

  • And we recognize that while we don't have leadership at the federal level,

  • we also have to recognize that no political party

  • can say that they have been 100 percent,

  • neither political party can say

  • they've been 100 percent on the right side of all these issues.

  • And so people are mobilizing,

  • they are fighting back like never before,

  • and in some ways,

  • people are unwilling to accept answers like, "Just go vote,"

  • or, "Just participate in the process,"

  • because we recognize that black people have been voting,

  • black people have been part of voting,

  • and part of ensuring that.

  • And so that I think is why this moment feels so much different,

  • combined with, for the last seven years,

  • since Trayvon, we have seen the growth of a new movement

  • of activists and leaders all around the country,

  • who are also in a very different place

  • to be able to move the needle on so much of what's possible.

  • CA: We have a question here from Genesis Be.

  • If we can get that up here.

  • "Here in Mississippi, the police is synonymous with the Klan, historically.

  • How do we purge law enforcement of white supremacists?"

  • PAG: So I guess that's partially to me,

  • being the psychologist of bias.

  • I'll say that just yesterday

  • we had an officer in Denver who posted on social media

  • himself and two other officers

  • saying, "Let's go start a riot."

  • He was fired that day.

  • I worry about all the officers

  • that the FBI has now, for almost half a decade,

  • been warning us,

  • law enforcement and unions being infiltrated by white supremacists.

  • And all the officers that have social media accounts,

  • but they're private.

  • You know, the Invisible Institute has put some things forward.

  • We're not talking seriously about the domestic terrorism threat

  • that white supremacy represents.

  • So the first thing that we've got to do

  • is we've got to take it seriously.

  • We have to actually say out loud,

  • and I can't believe that on a day like today,

  • or a week like this week, I have to say out loud,

  • white supremacy is alive and well

  • and a driving force of American politics.

  • This shouldn't be controversial.

  • I shouldn't be looking forward to getting hate mail in my inbox for it,

  • but that's the reality.

  • So the first part of solving a problem

  • is acknowledging that it exists.

  • But the second thing is we need to arm municipalities,

  • that's law enforcement, but even more so communities,

  • with the ability to take action when someone violates their values.

  • Right now, I think about the case in Philadelphia

  • where Charles Ramsey, when he was a commissioner there,

  • fired six officers, right.

  • Concerns about racial bias and concerns about police brutality,

  • and those six officers were back on the same job

  • inside of three months.

  • We now have a law enforcement system

  • that says you can lose your job in one jurisdiction,

  • and get the same job as law enforcement

  • in another jurisdiction.

  • And without the national registry

  • and the capacity for law enforcement to make different decisions,

  • we're going to have this exact problem,

  • not just in Mississippi,

  • but in Minneapolis, and Louisville and New York and LA.

  • CA: Phil, how much of the problem

  • stems from the fact that police unions have a huge amount of power

  • to protect and sometimes reinstate so called bad apple officers?

  • PAG: Yeah, I'm getting this question a lot,

  • and police unions are one of the most labor forces

  • of the United States,

  • and are unique within the labor movement, right?

  • So it's police unions and teachers' unions are the two largest

  • and could not be two different groups of folks.

  • When I talk to union leadership,

  • that's the leadership what wants to talk to Dr. Blackenstein, right,

  • when I talk to union leadership, what they say is

  • no one hates a bad officer more than a good officer.

  • But the union contracts, the new negotiations,

  • don't look like that's true.

  • What they look like is anybody gets in trouble,

  • and the union's only job is to make sure whatever officer is in trouble,

  • gets to maintain their job.

  • The perverse incentive here

  • is that when people run for union leadership,

  • no one can run saying,

  • "These people shouldn't be in the union."

  • It's very hard to do that.

  • What you can run on is say,

  • "If this person didn't protect you enough,

  • I'll protect you even more.

  • The bigots? I'll protect even them."

  • So we have this perverse incentive

  • where union leadership ends up not really representing

  • the values even of the rest of the union members.

  • But they have massive, outsized negotiating power.

  • So yes, engaging with

  • and appropriate rightsizing of labor protections,

  • for folks whose jobs are difficult,

  • but who should not be protected from the basic values of human rights,

  • human dignity and public safety.

  • It's got to be part of the process.

  • I mean, when unions are negotiating a two-year ban on keeping of records,

  • so that there's no ability even to trace

  • what's happening in the state of California,

  • historically in terms of police misconduct,

  • that's not in the interest of public safety,

  • public legitimacy, or our democracy.

  • AR: Yeah, the thing I would add, Chris,

  • is that I think the labor union piece

  • is a critically important one to think through.

  • Because I think, like Phil said,

  • they are a key part of the puzzle that we have to solve for.

  • And you know, it's frustrating when you look at a place in Minneapolis,

  • and Phil knows better than I,

  • but when mayor Jacob Frey, the one who's on TV all the time,

  • saying many of the right things that you want an elected official to say

  • at times like this,

  • when he banned his police department from attending the "warrior training"

  • that was being offered,

  • it was the Minneapolis Police Federation,

  • local union that defied him

  • and sent their police to the training.

  • And so we need to really be clear that we need to have the police forces

  • under civilian control.

  • I know this sounds so elementary,

  • I feel like I'm talking about a Latin American,

  • kind of, totalitarian context,

  • but we need to exert civilian control of our police

  • in a way that we have yet not been able to think through,

  • and a key part of that is the labor unions of the police.

  • And there are moments when you can find common ground.

  • When we brought one of our COVID-related lawsuits

  • to deal with the outbreak of the pandemic in a Maryland jail,

  • we worked really hard,

  • I worked the phones with the head of police unions.

  • We got one of the local unions

  • to serve as plaintiff in our lawsuit.

  • Because we understood that the incarcerated folks

  • who were being denied access to masks, social distancing and the conditions

  • and lack of testing, and lack of PP,

  • that the people who were also going to be in harm's way

  • were going to be the guards as well.

  • And they were going to be the vectors,

  • communicating the disease out into the community.

  • So if you can find ways of bringing that relationship.

  • But make no mistake, when you go after their budgets,

  • and you start taking away kind of, their munitions,

  • and their seat at the budgeting table,

  • oh, are you going to have a battle on your hands, right?

  • And we have to think about also as we shrink the budgets for police,

  • how do we --

  • we deploy people in the police departments

  • to other meaningful jobs, right?

  • Because you can't just throw them out into the street, and say,

  • "You're on your own, you're homeless, good luck to you."

  • That's not a way to deal with redemption.

  • So we have to really think about all these pieces

  • in a much more cohesive way.

  • WPR: We have another question here from the audience.

  • From Paul Rucker:

  • "The end of summer of 1919

  • was followed by the Tulsa Race Massacre,

  • the Johnson-Reed Anti-Immigration Act of 1924,

  • and also the rise of the KKK.

  • Is there a possibility

  • that white supremacy will get stronger if we don't seize this opportunity?"

  • Rashad, I think this might be something

  • that would be great to hear your perspective on,

  • working so deeply in activism.

  • RR: I'm having a little trouble hearing.

  • WPR: Oh, I'm so sorry.

  • RR: No, it's OK.

  • CA: Can you read the question on the screen, Rashad?

  • RR: Oh, I heard that, I heard you.

  • WPR: Yes, I think it might just be my mic is having some issues here.

  • "Is there a possibility that white supremacy will get stronger

  • if we don't seize this opportunity."

  • Yes, absolutely yes.

  • You know, to be clear, right,

  • if we don't have the right diagnosis of white supremacy,

  • if we think of white supremacy as just hoods,

  • if we think of white supremacy as just folks

  • who are operating, you know,

  • with, you know --

  • in some of these underground networks that have grown,

  • if we're just thinking about white supremacy and white nationalism

  • as people who marched with tiki torches in Charlottesville,

  • then we will really mistake all the ways

  • in which our systems and structures have white supremacy embedded,

  • and allow for something like a Tulsa Race Massacre to happen,

  • something like anti-immigration to happen,

  • but on a day-to-day basis

  • allow for the targeting of black communities

  • through predatory practices by banks.

  • The targeting of black communities through predatory practices like bail.

  • A whole set of systems that can be produced day in and day out.

  • We live in a country where the rules

  • are far too often designed in ways that create a caste system,

  • that create a different standard for some over others,

  • and so when I talked about the inflection point, right,

  • of this moment where something could really go forward

  • and something could turn backwards,

  • we are seeing this right now with this current president.

  • And as we look at what could be happening with the next election,

  • we have to be very, very clear

  • that Donald Trump doesn't just operate on his own.

  • He's enabled by big corporations who benefit from him being in office,

  • and so continue to turn a blind eye to all the things that he does.

  • They may post "Black Lives Matter,"

  • but they show up to the White House and engage with Donald Trump.

  • And then we have a whole set of politicians

  • that may sometimes say that he said something that was wrong,

  • but then allow for --

  • but support his platform in other ways.

  • You know, true co-conspiracy

  • in the effort to dismantle white supremacy and white nationalism

  • is not a thing that people can do on vacation.

  • It is a 365-day project

  • of us constantly working to dismantle

  • all of the structures that have been put in harm's way.

  • The final thing I will just add,

  • because someone mentioned about police unions,

  • and I want to just add that one of the problems with police unions,

  • and many of us have been in this position, I think,

  • is that I have shown up to the table with police unions on many occasions.

  • I remember going to the White House during the last administration

  • and being around a table as we were talking

  • about policing and police reform.

  • And having members of the Fraternal Order of Police leadership

  • say things like,

  • "All of this talk of racial profiling is new to us."

  • It is one thing for folks to not agree with you

  • on the policy reforms necessary.

  • It is another thing for people to say that our demands are too aspirational.

  • It's another thing to be gaslit

  • and told the problem doesn't actually exist at all.

  • And that is what we are dealing with,

  • and so we have to actually change

  • the way that people see these institutions.

  • Politicians who say that they are on the side of justice and reform,

  • can no longer take money from police-only unions

  • and Fraternal Order of Police.

  • We actually have to create a new standard,

  • a new litmus test of what does it mean to actually be with us.

  • You can't just sing our songs,

  • use our hashtags and march in our marches,

  • if you are on the other end

  • of supporting the structures that put us in harm's way,

  • that literally kill us.

  • And this is the opportunity for white allies

  • to actually stand up in new ways.

  • To be the type of ally,

  • to do the type of allyship and the type of work

  • that truly dismantles structures,

  • not just provides charity.

  • PAG: And I've got to add to that --

  • so, Paul, thank you for the question,

  • but we're in a moment where people

  • are looking at what's happening on the street,

  • as if a week and a half ago

  • we weren't in a midst of a global pandemic

  • as the greatest news story, the biggest new story going on.

  • One of the things I'm most worried about,

  • and have been worried about since the beginning,

  • what I've been talking to our chiefs about, is say,

  • you must be out of the social distancing policing game.

  • You can't be the ones doing that, and the reason is this:

  • We're in a moment where creating scapegoats

  • and enemies and others

  • is incredibly politically advantageous for at least one side.

  • And there is deliberate efforts to do exactly that.

  • And we've seen that black communities

  • are two and three and four times more likely to contract this virus,

  • which feels like the manifestation of racial discrimination,

  • because it is.

  • But very soon,

  • that's going to look like black people made bad choices

  • and they need to stay away from us.

  • And when that happens,

  • that's when law enforcements get used to regulate where black movement can be.

  • We used to call it sundown towns,

  • I don't know what we're going to call it when it's around COVID.

  • But it's coming.

  • I'm already seeing that on communities like Nextdoor,

  • and on Facebook groups.

  • People who don't think of themselves as white supremacists

  • but just want the disease away,

  • and the disease has a black and brown face.

  • So we're not only dealing with a moment of generational tension,

  • between black communities and law enforcement,

  • we're dealing with a moment when people are looking for scapegoats,

  • and black people's vulnerability

  • has always been our greatest casting note

  • for being cast as scapegoats.

  • So for folks who are worried about this, this is not inevitably a moment

  • for change and reform and enlightenment and America's best values,

  • because historically,

  • these have been precisely the moments

  • when regression back to white supremacy has reigned supreme.

  • So let's not just look at everybody signaling.

  • I don't want to just see black and white cops on their knees,

  • I want to see the policies.

  • I want to see the things that will prevent

  • this kind of thing from moving to the next stage.

  • CA: Rashad, I want to respect the fact that you've got a hard stop at one.

  • And so I just want to thank you for your participation in this.

  • If you've got a couple of final words you want to share, that would be great,

  • and then if it's OK for the other three,

  • I think there's just a couple other questions I'd love to put

  • and continue this conversation for just a moment longer, if possible.

  • Rashad, any closing words?

  • RR: The thing I want to say is that now is the time for action.

  • And I want to invite people in

  • to join us at Color Of Change

  • to make justice real.

  • And in so many ways, you can visit us at Color Of Change,

  • you can take action.

  • Five, 10, 15 years from now,

  • we will be dealing with the impacts

  • of what we did or didn't do in this moment.

  • How we stood up and how hard we were willing to fight.

  • And as the other speakers have said,

  • now is not the time for reform around the edges,

  • now is time for dismantling the policies and practices that have held us back,

  • and championing solutions and new rules that will move us forward.

  • And so we hope that you will do something,

  • whether it's with us,

  • or whether it's with local organizations in your community,

  • or other groups around the country.

  • But this is an opportunity to make change,

  • and I believe that we can make justice real,

  • if we find the passion and the energy

  • to work together to achieve it.

  • So thank you all for having me,

  • and I hope that we have an opportunity

  • to build, not just online, but offline, in the months to come.

  • CA: Thanks so much, Rashad.

  • We're just going to ask this last question of you.

  • This one is from David Fenton.

  • "How can the movement unite

  • around a clear, simple platform of policies to enshrine in legislation?

  • Like making all complaints against cops public,

  • banning all choke holds,

  • ensuring independent review boards, etc.?"

  • WPR: That seems like a great place for you to chime in, Dr. King,

  • if you have some thoughts on that.

  • PAG: I think that was to go to you, Dr. King.

  • BK: Oh, OK.

  • You know, this may sound simplistic,

  • but it's a Nike thing,

  • I think we have to just do it,

  • we have to see our work as interconnected.

  • I think there's been efforts towards people working in that vein,

  • but we have to intensify that.

  • And in doing it,

  • one of the things that my father said,

  • and I know people sometimes get tired of hearing me say,

  • "My father said,"

  • but I just think,

  • I wish, should I say, we had really listened to him,

  • because we wouldn't be on this platform right now

  • having this type of conversation.

  • But he left something with us, sort of a blueprint

  • in "Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community?",

  • his book, and he said,

  • going forward, the meddlesome task is to organize our strength

  • into compelling power.

  • And that is so key,

  • because oftentimes we organize merely around passion.

  • But people have certain areas of strength

  • and talent and giftedness,

  • and we've got to figure out how to build our coalitions

  • based on these strengths.

  • You know, people do different things well.

  • And so, in order to unite in an effective way

  • that they might not elude the demand that we're making,

  • I think that's what's going to happen.

  • People have to do their own personal assessment

  • within their organization, I call it a SWAT analysis.

  • And then that SWAT analysis has to happen across organizations,

  • so that we can make sure that we are moving in a united manner,

  • off of the strengths that each organization brings,

  • so that we can maximize the impact and the effectiveness

  • to do things like this,

  • in terms of getting the legislation in place that is needed in this hour.

  • CA: Thanks so much.

  • Just quick closing words from you, Anthony,

  • and then from you, Phil.

  • Anthony.

  • AR: You know, I would just say

  • that what gives me hope are the young folk.

  • You have to believe that among this group,

  • this groups of young'uns,

  • seeing what they're seeing,

  • living with this president, with these instincts,

  • seeing the continued indifference

  • that mainstream communities have given to issues of racial justice,

  • or economic justice,

  • you've got to believe that what comes out of this very hot fire,

  • is something even more powerful and strong than we've ever seen before.

  • That's what gets me through the hard days that we're now experiencing,

  • this thinking, there is another Dr. King among the young'uns, Dr. King.

  • And I have to believe that what they're seeing

  • and what they're witnessing

  • and their righteous indignation and their frustration and their anger

  • is going to be miraculously

  • a beautiful blossoming of a new opportunity, of a new change.

  • This generation will take us there, I have to believe that.

  • My generation has failed them miserably.

  • So I'm just looking forward to the new ones.

  • CA: Thank you, Anthony.

  • WPR: Phil. Thank you, Anthony.

  • PAG: So it really has been a privilege to be on with you all.

  • To David's question,

  • let me say that a number of civil rights organizations,

  • I believe the ACLU among them,

  • CPE, Center for Policing Equity,

  • and hundreds more have signed on to principles for legislation

  • that would include eight pillars.

  • It's been led by the Leadership Conference for Civil and Human Rights.

  • And it includes a federal ban on choke holds,

  • it includes a national registry for officers

  • who have engaged in misconduct.

  • I also think that it's important at this moment to get,

  • we've got law enforcement's chiefs of major cities willing to say,

  • if we emerge from this moment and our profession hasn't changed,

  • then we have failed again.

  • So it's a critical time to get behind,

  • I would direct you to LCCHR's website for the eight pillars,

  • because I won't remember them all right now,

  • and to start calling your local law enforcement,

  • and say, "Yes, own that."

  • You should be signing on,

  • they should be going public with letters that do all of that.

  • But I'll also say this.

  • For a path forward in the principles, I'll end where I started,

  • which is that this is bigger than policing.

  • These are the unpaid debts owed to black communities

  • for stolen labor,

  • owed to native communities for stolen land, for stolen culture,

  • for years taken away

  • and for lives lost in it.

  • This is bigger than policing.

  • If we don't understand the size of it,

  • then there's no solution that's really, truly proportional to the moment.

  • But in this moment,

  • when we're seeing trillion of dollars in bailouts, mostly for corporations,

  • it is absolutely a time when we can do things

  • that normally, people could pretend that's too much, it's too big, we can't.

  • We have literally all the money in the world

  • that can be spent and directed

  • towards making us the society we pretend to be,

  • before moments like this happen.

  • And so the thing that gives me hope

  • is that the lies have to be obvious now.

  • The lies have to be,

  • that was a reasonable use of force.

  • The lie has to be, we don't have the money.

  • The lie has to be, that's too hard, it's too big of a challenge.

  • This stuff feels impossible every day except today,

  • because the alternative is we lose everything.

  • Everything is at stake,

  • our democracy is at stake,

  • the people we choose to be, we claim to be,

  • that's at stake.

  • And in the face of that,

  • I think we can do impossible things.

  • I think we can be mighty.

  • So my hope for all of us is

  • first, that we wake up tomorrow with more peace in the evening than war,

  • and that we hold on to what's possible from this moment

  • at the same time that we hold on

  • to the size of the task in front of us.

  • I don't want to come with half measures out of this.

  • I don't want to come out with radicalized youth

  • and indifferent aged ...

  • I don't know what the contrast...

  • The radicalized youth

  • and indifferent people who are old like me.

  • I want to come out with a unified country

  • that understands that the costs that we owe are big,

  • and our pockets are deep enough to match it.

  • CA: Wow.

  • Thank you to each of you for extraordinary eloquence.

  • Really, so powerful.

  • This conversation, obviously, continues,

  • I know that there's many people listening,

  • you have other questions,

  • this, I think, from TED's point of view is just the start of the conversation.

  • To the extent that our job is to amplify the voices that matter,

  • we couldn't be prouder to be amplifying further

  • your extraordinary voices.

  • So thank you for being part of this today.

  • PAG: Thank you.

  • WPR: Thank you all.

Chris Anderson: Hello, TED community,

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