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  • Professor Paul Bloom: What we've been talking about

  • so far in the course are human universals, what everybody

  • shares. So, we've been talking about

  • language, about rationality, about perception,

  • about the emotions, about universals of

  • development, and we've been talking about what people share.

  • But honestly, what a lot of us are very

  • interested in is why we're different and the nature of

  • these differences and the explanation for them.

  • And that's what we'll turn to today.

  • So first, we'll discuss how are people different,

  • different theories about what makes you different in a

  • psychological way from the person sitting next to you,

  • and then we'll review different theories about why people are

  • different. And this is the class which is

  • going to bother the most people. It's not dualism.

  • It's not evolution. It's this because the

  • scientific findings on human psychological differences are,

  • to many of us, shocking and unbelievable.

  • And I will just try to persuade you to take them seriously.

  • Okay. So, how are people different?

  • Well, there's all sorts of ways. Your sexual identity--It is at

  • the core of your being for almost all of us whether you're

  • male or female. How we refer to you in

  • language, what pronoun we use, is indexed on how we--on

  • your--on how--whether you're male or female and related to

  • that though imperfectly is your sexual orientation,

  • who you're attracted to. The question of why some of us

  • think of ourselves as males and others as females,

  • and the question of why some of us would ideally want to have

  • sex with males, others with females,

  • others with both, and then a few others who have

  • harder to define desires, is such a good question that

  • we're going to talk about it after spring break while all the

  • sexual desire has been spent and you could focus on [laughter]

  • on a scientific discussion of this--not that I recommend you

  • do that on spring break. How happy are you?

  • This is also such a good topic it's going to get its own class.

  • The very last class of the semester is devoted to happiness

  • and the question of what makes people happy,

  • what makes people unhappy, and what makes people differ in

  • their happiness. If I asked you to rank how

  • happy you are from a scale of 1 to 10, the numbers would differ

  • across this room. And there's different theories

  • as to why. Your success and failure in

  • life--This is somewhat interesting because you could

  • study this in more or less objective ways.

  • We don't have to ask people. We could look at your

  • relationships, how they begin,

  • how they end, your job satisfaction.

  • We could look at your criminal records.

  • Some of you are going to see time.

  • Most will not. Some of you will get into

  • little troubles all through your life.

  • Some of you already have seen the inside of a police station,

  • possibly a lineup. Others couldn't go near such a

  • thing. What determines that?

  • And at the root of all human differences are two main

  • factors. And so, I want to talk about

  • the two main interesting factors.

  • One is personality. The other is intelligence.

  • And this is what--These are the differences I'll talk about

  • today first from the standpoint of how do we characterize them,

  • how do we explain them, and then from the standpoint of

  • why these differences exist in the first place.

  • One way to characterize personality is in terms of

  • people's style with dealing with--in dealing with the world

  • and particularly their style with dealing--in dealing with

  • other people. So, you take a simple character

  • you know of and you could talk about that person's personality.

  • You could talk about it in terms of being impulsive,

  • irresponsible, sometimes lazy,

  • good-hearted. You could compare that person's

  • personality with other people's personalities such as my

  • colleague who gave a talk last class.

  • He's wonderful. He's responsible and reliable

  • and very kind [laughter] and different from Homer.

  • And so, this difference is a difference in personality.

  • Now, when we talk about personality we're talking about

  • something else as well. We're talking about a stable

  • trait across situations and time.

  • So, if all of a sudden the person next to you kind of

  • smacks you in the head, you might be angry but we

  • wouldn't call that "personality" because that's something that's

  • a result of a situation. We'd all feel that way in that

  • situation. It's "personality" if you walk

  • around all the time angry. That'd be a stable trait.

  • That'd be something you carry around with you and that's what

  • we mean by personality. Now, how do we scientifically

  • characterize differences in personality?

  • And it's a deep question. There's been a lot of attempts

  • to do so. Any assessment has--Any good

  • assessment has to satisfy two conditions.

  • And these are terms which are going to show up all over

  • psychological research but it's particularly relevant for this

  • sort of measure. One is "reliability."

  • Reliability means there is not measurement error.

  • And one crude way to think about reliability is,

  • a test is reliable if you test the same person at different

  • times and you get the same result.

  • My bathroom scale is reliable if whenever I stand on it,

  • it gives me more or less the same number.

  • It's not reliable if it's off by ten pounds in the course of a

  • day. Similarly, if I give you a

  • personality test now and it says that you're anxious and

  • defensive, well--and then give it to you

  • tomorrow and it says you're calm and open minded,

  • it's not a reliable test. So, reliable is something you

  • could trust over time. "Validity" is something

  • different. Validity is that your test

  • measures what it's supposed to measure.

  • So, validity means it's sort of a good test.

  • Forget about how reliable it is. Does it tap what you're

  • interested in? So, for example,

  • suppose I determine your intelligence by the date of your

  • birth. I figure out what day you were

  • born and I have a theory that, from that, predicts how smart

  • you are. That's my intelligence test,

  • the date of your birth. Maybe people born in January

  • are the dumbest, people born in December are the

  • smartest. Is that--I was born on

  • Christmas Eve. [laughter]

  • Is that a reliable test? Yes, it's a wonderfully

  • reliable test. I'll test you today;

  • I'll test you tomorrow; I'll test you next year;

  • I'll test you the day you die; I'll get the same IQ score.

  • Is it a valid test? It's a joke.

  • It's absolutely not a valid test.

  • It has nothing to do with intelligence.

  • But you noticed these are two different things.

  • Something can be reliable but not valid and something can be

  • valid and not reliable. Now, there are no shortage of

  • personality tests. You could get them all over the

  • place including on the web. So, I took one recently.

  • I took "which super hero are you?"

  • [laughter] And it's a series of questions

  • determining what super hero you are.

  • You could take this yourself if you want to.

  • The same web page, by the way, offers you a test

  • in whether you're "hot" or not. We'll discuss that later.

  • And when I did this [laughter] it told me I was Batman

  • [laughter] and "you are dark,

  • love gadgets, and have vowed to help the

  • innocent not suffer the pain you have endured."

  • Now, the honest-- [laughter] Now, to be honest though,

  • it's neither reliable nor valid.

  • When I first did the test I came up as "The Incredible

  • Hulk." I then changed my answers a bit

  • and was "Wonder Woman." [laughter]

  • And finally, out of frustration,

  • I carefully tailored my answers so I would be Batman.

  • But the fact that I can do that, well, raises questions

  • about both the reliability of this measure and its validity.

  • Here is an example – a real world example.

  • This is, in black and white form, a version of the Rorschach

  • test, the Rorschach inkblot test.

  • How many people have heard of the Rorschach test?

  • Okay. Is there anybody here who has

  • actually, in any sort of situation, taken a Rorschach

  • test? Some people scattered in the

  • room have taken them. It was originally used only for

  • psychiatric cases but then became extremely common.

  • About eighty percent of clinical psychologists claim to

  • use it and most graduate programs in the American

  • Psychological Association who are accredited teach it.

  • Catholic seminaries use it for people who want to join the

  • seminary. It was invented by a guy named

  • Herman Rorschach. He devoted his entire life to

  • the inkblot test. His nickname when he was a

  • teenager – I am not kidding youwas "Inkblot."

  • [laughter] And the idea is by looking at

  • these inkblots and then seeing what somebody says you get great

  • insights into the nature of their personality,

  • into what they are. Anybody want to try it?

  • Come on. Yes.

  • What do you see? Student:

  • I see two people holding hands pressed together.

  • Professor Paul Bloom: Two people holding hands pressed

  • together. Very good.

  • Anybody have a different reading?

  • Yes, in back. Yes.

  • Yes. Student: Dancing bears.

  • Professor Paul Bloom: Dancing bears.

  • Okay. Good.[laughter] Good.

  • Okay. I got to write your name down--

  • [laughs][laughter] report you to health-- No.

  • Dancing bears, very good. Anybody else?

  • One other. Yes.

  • Student: A man in a ski mask.

  • Professor Paul Bloom: A man in a ski mask.

  • Well, it turns out that there are right answers and wrong

  • answers to the Rorschach test. According to the test,

  • and this is from a real Rorschach test,

  • "it is important to see the blot as two human figures,

  • usually females or clowns." Good work over there.

  • "If you don't, it's seen as a sign you have

  • problems relating to people." [laughter]

  • If you want to go for "a cave entrance" or "butterfly" or

  • "vagina," that's also okay. [laughter]

  • Now, the Rorschach test is transcendently useless.

  • It has been studied and explored and it is as useless as

  • throwing dice. It is as useless as tea leaves.

  • Nonetheless, people love it and it's used

  • all over the place. It is used for example in child

  • custody cases. If you have broken up with your

  • partner and you guys are quarreling over who gets to keep

  • the kids, you might find yourself in a

  • shrink's office looking at this. And in fact,

  • this is why they end up on the web.

  • There are services. There are people who have been

  • kind enough to put on the web these inkblots,

  • including the right answers to them.

  • But they are worthless as psychological measures.

  • Can we do better? Well, we probably can.

  • Gordon Allport did a study where he went through the

  • dictionary and took all of the traits that he believed to be

  • related to personality and he got eighteen thousand of them.

  • But what was interesting was they weren't necessarily

  • independent traits. So, the traits like "friendly,

  • sociable, welcoming, warm-hearted" seemed to all tap

  • the same thing. So, Cattell and many others

  • tried to narrow it down, tried to ask the question,

  • "In how many ways are people's personalities different from one

  • another?" How many parameters of

  • difference do you need? How many numbers can I give you

  • that would narrow you in and say what personality you are?

  • One approach was from Eysenck, who claimed there were just

  • two. You could be somewhere on the

  • scale of introverted-extroverted,

  • and somewhere on the scale of neurotic and stable.

  • And since there's basically two types of traits with two

  • settings for each, there are basically four types

  • of people. Later on he added another trait

  • which he described as "psychoticism versus

  • non-psychoticism" that crudely meant whether you're aggressive

  • or empathetic. And then you have three traits

  • with two settings each giving you eight types of people.

  • Later on Cattell dropped it down into sixteen factors.

  • So, these sixteen personality factors are sixteen ways people

  • would differ. And so, if I asked you to

  • describe your roommate along these sixteen dimensions,

  • you should be able to do so. More recently,

  • people have come to the conclusion that two or three is

  • too few, but sixteen might be too many.

  • And there's a psychological consensus on what's been known

  • as "The Big Five." And "The Big Five" personality

  • factors are these, and what this means is when we

  • talk about each other and use adjectives,

  • the claim is we could do so in thousands of different ways,

  • but deep down we're talking about one of these five

  • dimensions. This means that when a

  • psychological test measures something about somebody,

  • about their personality, if it's a good test it's

  • measuring one of these five things.

  • And it means that, as people interacting with one

  • another in the world, these are the five things that

  • we're interested in. So, one of them is "neurotic

  • versus stable." Is somebody sort of nutty and

  • worrying or are they calm? "Extrovert versus introvert."

  • "Open to experience versus closed to experience."

  • "Agreeable," which is courteous, friendly versus non

  • agreeable, rude, selfish.

  • And "conscientious versus not conscientious," careful versus

  • careless, reliable versus undependable.

  • A good way to think about these things is in terms of the word

  • "ocean," o-c-e-a-n. The first letter captures

  • openness, conscientiousness, extroversion,

  • agreeableness, and neuroticism.

  • And the claim is those are the four--the five fundamental ways

  • in which people differ from one another.

  • Well, why should we believe this?

  • Why should we take this theory seriously?

  • Well, there's actually some evidence for it.

  • It seems to have some reliability in that it's stable

  • over time. So, if you test people over

  • years--If I test your personality now on the five

  • traits and test you five years from now, it will not have

  • changed much. And once you pass the age of

  • thirty, it's very stable indeed. If you think about your parents

  • and then give Mom and Dad a mental test on where they stand

  • on each of the five traits, ten years from now Mom and Dad

  • will still be there. It also seems to get agreement

  • across multiple observers. So, if I ask for each of their

  • five traits--If I ask your roommate what he or she thinks

  • of you, then I ask your professor what

  • he or she thinks of you and your mom what he or--what she thinks

  • of you, [laughter]

  • how would--back to gender--How would they match up?

  • They tend to overlap a lot. You walk around and you

  • leave--and your personality leaves a trail in the minds of

  • people around you. And this trail is characterized

  • in terms of these five dimensions.

  • Finally, it seems to be--predict real-world behavior.

  • If this didn't have anything to do with the real world,

  • you wouldn't be very happy calling it valid,

  • you wouldn't take it seriously as a test, but it does.

  • So, conscientiousness--how you score on a conscientious scale,

  • relates to how faithful you are to your spouse.

  • How openness--open you are on a psychological personality test

  • relates to how likely you are to change your job.

  • "Extroverts" look people in the eye more and have more sexual

  • partners because they're extroverts.

  • So, these are real scales. The "Batman,

  • Hulk, Wonder Woman" doesn't correspond to anything in the

  • real world, but where you stand on each of

  • these five dimensions does seem to capture it.

  • As an example of the agreement, by the way, somebody did a

  • study of several of the characters on the television

  • show "The Simpsons" because they wanted to find characters which

  • everybody knew. And they had thirteen subjects

  • judge these Simpson characters on each of the five dimensions.

  • These is "openness, neuroticism,

  • conscientiousness, and extroversion" and they

  • found considerable agreement. And this isn't actually--What

  • I've covered up is the "agreeableness."

  • So, for those of you who have never seen the television show,

  • this is all going to be confusing,

  • but those of you who have, can you guess which characters

  • would be particularly agreeable? Anybody guess.

  • Yeah. Student: Flanders

  • Professor Paul Bloom: Flanders.

  • You are right. The most agreeable people are

  • Flanders and Marge. Who would not so agreeable?

  • Student: Krusty Professor Paul

  • Bloom: Krusty is actually--Krusty is a

  • complicated case [laughter] but Mr.

  • Burns--but also--Where is he? Oh, he's not--Nelson,

  • where's Nelson? Anyway, there's Nelson.

  • You get strong consensus that Ned Flanders and Marge Simpson

  • are highly agreeable people, 6.27 and 5.46,

  • while Mr. Burns and Nelson are very low.

  • Nelson's the little kid that when trouble happens he goes,

  • "Ha ha." And that's a psychological sign

  • for low agreeability. [laughter] Okay.

  • That's all I want to say at this point about personality and

  • how we measure it and, again, we're going to get back

  • to it later when we talk about differences in personality.

  • Now, I want to deal with the second big difference.

  • The second big difference is intelligence.

  • Now, how do you define intelligence?

  • There's no easy definition. Like personality,

  • it's kind of difficult to get your fingers on what we're

  • talking about here. In one survey they asked 1,000

  • experts to define intelligence. And some answers showed up over

  • and over again. So, just about everybody said

  • intelligence involves abstract reasoning, problem solving,

  • and the capacity to acquire knowledge.

  • That's at the core of being smart.

  • Other people mentioned things like memory, mental speed,

  • language, math, mental speed again,

  • knowledge, and creativity also as hallmarks for intelligence.

  • And again, it might be difficult to define it but you

  • have a gut feeling about what it is.

  • So, you know Homer is actually--and this is part of

  • the show--is actually of limited intelligence.

  • My colleague is of very high intelligence,

  • a wonderful fellow, [laughter]

  • but he's probably not as smart as that guy who is really,

  • really smart. And this guy,

  • Ralph Wiggum, is particularly stupid.

  • [laughter] And so you have a range.

  • And it's important to figure out how to characterize it;

  • this is what research does, but there's a gut feeling that

  • there are some people who are smart and other people who are

  • very smart and some people who are dumb and others who are very

  • dumb. What you want to do,

  • from a scientific standpoint, is characterize this in a more

  • robust and interesting fashion. And the textbook has a nice

  • review of the history of attempts to define and measure

  • intelligence, but there is a couple of ideas

  • I want to focus on. One is an idea developed by

  • Spearman, which is there's two types of intelligence.

  • There is "G" and there is "S." "S" is your ability on specific

  • tests. So, if there is ten tests that

  • you're given as part of an IQ test, ten subtests,

  • you'll get a different score on each of the subtests.

  • There'll be a math test and a reading test and a spatial test

  • and you'll get different scores. "G" refers to a general

  • intelligence. And the general intelligence is

  • something you bring to each of the tests in common.

  • So, this is diagrammed here. You have these six tests.

  • For each of them there is an "S" and then above that there is

  • a "G." Now, "G" is a very important

  • notion. The term "G" is used by

  • psychologists a lot even in casual conversation.

  • People say, "So, what do you think of him?"

  • "I think he is high 'G.'" And what you mean is he's a

  • smart guy. Why do you need "G?"

  • Well, you wouldn't need "G" if your performance on each of

  • these tests had nothing to do with each other.

  • If the tests were genuinely separate, there'd be no general

  • intelligence. But what people find over and

  • over again is that when it comes to explaining people's

  • performance on multiple intellectual tasks,

  • there's two things going on. There's how good there is--they

  • are on the specific task, but then there's also a sort of

  • general correlation that people bring to the tasks.

  • And I could express this with an athletic analogy.

  • Imagine I'm running a gym and we have all of these different

  • athletic tests. So, we have a running test,

  • we have a basketball shooting test, a swimming test,

  • fencing, a list of ten of them. Now, each of you go through

  • each of the tests and then you'll each get ten scores.

  • But what we'll discover is that the scores are not independent

  • of one another. People who are good at one

  • athletic thing tend to be good at another.

  • If there's somebody who's really good at running and

  • swimming, odds are they're probably pretty good at

  • climbing. And the same thing holds for

  • IQ, which is above and beyond how good people are at specific

  • things there seems to be a factor as to how well they are

  • in general. And this factor is known as "G."

  • Now, there's, again, an extensive history of

  • modern intelligence tests and what's really interesting is the

  • tests now. What you need to know about the

  • modern tests, the Wechsler test for both

  • adults and children, is how they're scored.

  • The way they are scored is that 100 is average.

  • So, it's just automatic. Whatever the average is is 100.

  • It's as if I did the Midterm--graded the Midterm,

  • computed the average, gave everybody who got the

  • average 100, said your score is 100.

  • It's just the average. It works on the normal curve

  • and what this means is that it works so that the majority,

  • 68%, get between 85 and 115 on their IQ test.

  • The vast majority, 95%, get between 70 and 130.

  • If you are, say, above 145 IQ,

  • which I imagine some people in the room are,

  • you belong to 0.13% of the population.

  • That's the way IQ tests work. Now, this is about IQ tests.

  • We could now ask about their reliability and their validity.

  • What do they mean? Well, this has turned out to be

  • a matter of extreme debate. This just reiterates what I

  • just said. A lot of the debate was spawned

  • by the book by Herrnstein and Murray about--called The Bell

  • Curve. And in The Bell Curve these authors made the

  • argument that IQ matters immensely for everyday life and

  • that people's status in societyhow rich they are and how

  • successful they arefollows from their IQ as measured in

  • standard IQ tests. Now, this book made a lot of

  • claims and it's probably before many of you--many of your time,

  • but spawned huge controversy. And as a result of this

  • controversy some interesting papers came out.

  • One response to the Herrnstein and Murray book was by the

  • American Psychological Association,

  • which put together a group of fifty leading researchers in

  • intelligence to write a report on what they thought about

  • intelligence--what they thought about,

  • "Does IQ matter? How does IQ relate to

  • intelligence? How does--what's the

  • different--why are people different in intelligence?

  • Why do different human groups differ in intelligence?"

  • and so on. At the same time,

  • there was also another group of IQ researchers,

  • not quite the same as the first group, got together and wrote

  • another report. And if you're interested in

  • this, the links to the reports are on the Power Point slide.

  • Well, what did they conclude? The conclusions were slightly

  • different but here's the broad consensus by the experts

  • regarding the importance of IQ tests.

  • And the claim is IQ is strongly related more so--probably more

  • so than any other single measurable human trait to many

  • important educational, occupational,

  • economic, and social outcomes. In some cases,

  • the correlation is very strong such as success in school and

  • success in military training. In other cases,

  • it's moderate but robust such as "social competence."

  • And in other cases it's smaller but consistent,

  • "law abidingness," and they conclude whatever IQ test

  • measure it is of great practical and social importance.

  • So, IQ matters. More particularly,

  • IQ matters for "social achievement," for "prestigious

  • positions," and for "on the job

  • performance" and other work-related variables.

  • If I know your IQ score, I know something about you that

  • matters. It's not irrelevant just as if

  • I know your score on a personality test of The Big Five

  • I would know something about you that actually would tell me

  • something interesting about you in the real world.

  • On the other hand, there's a lot of controversy

  • about why this connection exists.

  • So, to some extent, people have worried that the

  • effectiveness of IQ is a self-fulfilling prophecy.

  • And here is why. If society takes IQ tests

  • important--seriously, they become important.

  • So, it's true that your IQ is very related to your success in

  • getting into a good school like Yale.

  • But the reason for this, in large extent,

  • is because to get to Yale they give you an IQ test,

  • the SAT. So, the same for graduate

  • school. There is the GRE,

  • which is yet another IQ test. So, to some extent,

  • it's a self-fulfilling prophecy.

  • I could make--Society could choose to make how tall you are

  • extremely important for educational success.

  • They could say nobody under six feet tall gets into Yale.

  • And then some psych professor would stand up and say,

  • "Of course, height is profoundly related to

  • educational accomplishment," and it would be because people

  • made it so. So, to some extent,

  • the society that draws highly on IQ tests regarding promotion

  • and educational achievement and military status and so on--it's

  • just going to follow that IQ then becomes important.

  • At the same time, however, the role of IQ is

  • pretty clearly not entirely a social construction.

  • There is some evidence that your IQ score relates to

  • intelligence in an interesting sense including domains like

  • mental speed and memory span. So, your score on an IQ test,

  • for instance, is to some extent related to

  • how fast you could think and your memory abilities.

  • Now, I want to shift to the second half of the class and

  • talk about why. So, we talked about two

  • differences, one in "personality",

  • one "intelligence." I want to talk about why people

  • differ but before I do, do people have any questions?

  • Yes. Student:

  • About personality--This morning I took a test--The way the test

  • was, they asked you 100 questions

  • and [inaudible] Professor Paul Bloom:

  • It's a good question. The question is this young man

  • took--just took a personality test.

  • He was accepted into Slytherin, which is a Hogwarts reference.

  • I'm hip to that [laughter] and--but the question is a good

  • one. You're a clever man,

  • high "G," and you wanted to be in Slytherin.

  • How do we know you didn't work the test?

  • You're going to get these personality tests all the time

  • and the personality tests--You're applying for a

  • business and one of the tests says "I like to steal from my

  • bosses." Well, I don't think so.

  • No. That's a little IQ test right

  • there. So, the question is how do you

  • avoid that problem? The test constructors have done

  • so in certain clever ways. For instance,

  • there are often catch questions designed to catch a liar.

  • Some of these questions pose very unrealistic phenomena so

  • you might have a question in there saying "I have never done

  • anything I am ashamed of." Now, some people will say,

  • "Yes, that's true of me," but they tend to be liars.

  • And so, unrealistic questions tend to catch liars.

  • Also, you get the same question asked in different ways across

  • the one hundred items and they could use the correlations to

  • figure these things out. Again, the proof is sort of in

  • the pudding. The reliability and validity of

  • a test is determined, in part, by just how well it

  • does at predicting your future performance on the test and your

  • real world performance. And a test that is easily

  • fooled--easily tricked by smart people wouldn't survive long as

  • a personality test. So, we know the test you got is

  • a pretty good test because it seems to work for most people.

  • Yes. Student:

  • [inaudible] Professor Paul Bloom:

  • It's a good question. The question was about

  • "Emotional IQ," which is something I'm actually going to

  • touch upon a little bit later in the course,

  • but people have talked about different forms of intelligence.

  • And emotional intelligence, social intelligence,

  • is arguably a candidate for success across different

  • domains. The evidence for its predictive

  • power is not as strong as for regular IQ tests so you might be

  • right. It might turn out to be a much

  • better predictor but one, it's not clear that we know

  • that yet. Peter Salovey has actually done

  • some very interesting research on this and is continuing work

  • along those lines. The second thing is emotional

  • intelligence is actually related to good, old-fashioned

  • intelligence. They kind of pull together a

  • lot. So, it's not entirely separate

  • but that's a good point and I'd like to return to it a little

  • bit later on in the course. Yes.

  • Student: [inaudible]

  • Professor Paul Bloom: Good question.

  • How do you determine when--what a good test is?

  • And again, it's a real art going through the details of how

  • to do that but the broad answers involve reliability and

  • validity. It's a good test if I test you

  • today and I test you tomorrow and I get the same score.

  • It's a really good test if your score on that test predicts your

  • grades or, if it's a personality test,

  • predicts how many girlfriends you have or predicts whether

  • people think you're a nice guy. So, you have to see both the

  • replicability of the test over time but also its relationship

  • to real world phenomena. And that's important, again.

  • Why do we know the Batman, Wonder Woman,

  • Hulk test is a bad one? Well, one answer is because

  • what I--how I score on that test isn't going to tell you anything

  • about me. It's not going to relate to my

  • grades. It's not going to relate to how

  • well I'm liked. How do we know the SAT is

  • useful? Well, it actually corresponds

  • with other things like grades. Yes, in back.

  • Student: [inaudible]

  • Professor Paul Bloom: Absolutely.

  • The question is--When I'm talking about personality I'm

  • defining it in terms of something which is stable over

  • time. And your question,

  • which is a good one, is, "How do we know it's stable

  • over time?" Can't it change?

  • And the answer is "yeah." A lot of personality does

  • change over time. A personality test you give to

  • a ten-year-old will relate but not so strongly with that

  • individual when he's fifty. On the other hand,

  • we know that the psychological claim that there exists such a

  • thing as personality and it is stable over time.

  • It's supported by the fact that if you're an extrovert now

  • you'll likely be an extrovert twenty years from now.

  • Not perfectly, so you're right. You could change.

  • You could become an introvert, you could become more of an

  • extrovert, but wherever you stand now is significantly

  • related to where you'll be in the future.

  • And that justifies talking about it as a stable trait.

  • Same with IQ. Your IQ might change.

  • It might go up, it might go down,

  • but it won't go up and go down that much and this is why it

  • makes sense to talk about intelligence as a more or less

  • stable trait. Okay.

  • Why are we different? Well, you're different because

  • of two things: Your genes and your

  • environment, your nature and your nurture,

  • your heredity and your experience.

  • And this doesn't say anything. This is just defining the

  • question. But the question of the role of

  • genes and the role of environment in explaining human

  • differences is an interesting one and it could be explored in

  • different ways. But before talking about it I

  • have to clear up a common misconception.

  • I'm going to talk about the effects of genes and I'm going

  • to talk about heredity but I want to be clear.

  • I am talking about the role of genes and also the role of

  • environment in explaining human differences, not in explaining

  • human characteristics. So, the distinction is we're

  • interested in the amount of variation due to genetic

  • differences, not the proportion of an

  • individual's trait that's due to genes.

  • So for instance, you could pull these apart.

  • The question of--When we ask what's the role of genes,

  • what's the role of heredity in how tall people are,

  • the question is not asking for you--what is the role of your

  • genes in determining how tall you are?

  • It's not clear that's even a sensible question.

  • The question is there's a height difference between you

  • and me and him and her. How do we explain that

  • difference? And I could illustrate why

  • heredity doesn't mean the same thing as the contribution of the

  • genes. Height is reasonably heritable,

  • meaning the differences between people in the population and how

  • tall they are is due in large part,

  • not entirely, but in large part to their

  • genes. What about the number of legs

  • people have? Well, the number of legs people

  • have from zero, one or two, is actually not

  • very heritable at all because almost everybody has two legs

  • and people who have fewer than two legs typically have lost one

  • or both legs in an accident. It's not due to their genes.

  • So, of course, whether or not you have legs is

  • a very genetic matter but the differences in number of legs is

  • not usually genetic. And so, heredity is a claim

  • about differences, not a claim about the origin of

  • any specific trait. Well, now we--That's what

  • heredity, which is genetic--Now, we could talk about

  • environment. And we could break up

  • environment into two sorts of environment.

  • One is shared environment. And shared environment is the

  • extent to which the differences are caused by things--by

  • phenomena that people raised in the same household share.

  • So if one--Suppose some of you are neurotic.

  • And suppose we want to say part of that's due to your

  • environment. Well, suppose you're neurotic

  • because you have lousy parents. That would be part of your

  • shared environment because presumably siblings raised in

  • the same household would have the same lousy parents.

  • This is contrasted with non-shared environment,

  • which is everything else. Suppose I think you're neurotic

  • because when you were five years old somebody threw a snowball at

  • you and it bounced off your head.

  • That's non-shared environment. Suppose you're neurotic because

  • you won the lottery when you were twenty-one and all the

  • money messed you up. That'd be non-shared

  • environment. So, what you have here is

  • heredity, shared environment and non-shared environment,

  • and this equals one. That's everything.

  • Non-shared environment is a sort of garbage can category

  • that includes everything that's not heredity and not shared

  • environment. Suppose you think you're

  • neurotic because aliens from the planet Pluto are zapping your

  • brain. Suppose you're right.

  • Well, that would be non-shared environment because they're,

  • presumably, not necessarily zapping your siblings' brains.

  • Everything else is non-shared environment.

  • It becomes interesting to ask, for all of these differences,

  • the physical differences like height,

  • but psychological differences like personality and

  • intelligence, how do we parcel it out into

  • what's genetic and what's environmental?

  • This proves to be really difficult in the real world

  • because in the real world it's hard to pull apart genes and

  • environments. So, you and me will have

  • different personalities. Why?

  • Well, we were raised by different parents and we have

  • different genes. We can't tell--My brother and

  • me might share all sorts of things in common but we have the

  • same parents and the same genes, fifty percent of the same genes.

  • So how do we tell what's causing us to be alike?

  • So to do--to pull these things apart you need to be clever.

  • You need to use the tools of behavioral genetics.

  • And to use these tools you have to exploit certain regularities

  • about genes and about environment.

  • One thing is this. Some people are clones.

  • Monozygotic twins are genetic duplicates.

  • They share one hundred percent of the same genes.

  • That's kind of interesting. Dizygotic twins are not clones.

  • They share fifty/fifty. They are just like regular

  • siblings. And adopted siblings have no

  • special genetic overlap. That's zero percent above and

  • beyond randomness. Those three groups then become

  • rather interesting particularly when we keep in mind that by

  • definition two people raised in the same house by the same

  • parents have one hundred percent the same shared environment.

  • So now, we can start to answer these questions.

  • Suppose you find that monozygotic twins are much more

  • similar than dizygotic twins. Well, that would suggest that

  • there's a large role of genes in those traits that you're

  • interested in. It would not cinch the matter

  • because there are other factors at work.

  • For instance, monozygotic twins look more

  • alike than dizygotic twins and maybe they have different

  • and--they have more similar environments because of this

  • similarity in appearance. Are monozygotic twins just as

  • similar as dizygotic twins? If so, then it would show that

  • that extra overlap in genes doesn't really matter.

  • And so, it would suggest a low role of heredity.

  • Are adopted children highly similar to their brothers and

  • sisters? If so, then there's a high role

  • of shared environment. Suppose the Bloom children,

  • and there are seven of them, all have an IQ of 104 and we

  • adopt three kids and then at the end of the day those three kids

  • each have an IQ of 104. That would suggest that--And we

  • do this over and over again across different families.

  • That would suggest that there's something about the Bloom family

  • being raised by me that gives you an IQ of 104.

  • On the other hand, if the IQ of the adopted kids

  • had no relationship to those of the biological Bloom children,

  • it would suggest that being raised by me has no effects

  • really on your IQ. It's sort of separate.

  • A separate--A second--A final contrast, which is the thing

  • that psychologists love, is identical twins reared

  • apart. That's the gold standard

  • because you have these people who are clones but they're

  • raised in different families. And to the extent that they are

  • similar this suggests it's a similarity of their genes.

  • And in fact, one of the most surprising

  • findings in behavioral genetics--The caption here is

  • "Separated at Birth, the Mallifert Twins Meet

  • Accidentally." ended up at a patent office

  • with the same device. One of the hugely surprising

  • findings from behavioral genetics is how alike identical

  • twins reared apart are. They seem to have similar

  • attitudes to the death penalty, to religion and to modern

  • music. They have similar rates of

  • behavior in crime, gambling and divorce.

  • They often have been found to have bizarre similarities.

  • They meet after being separated at birth and they meet at age

  • thirty and then it turns out that they both get in to a lot

  • of trouble because they pretend to sneeze in elevators.

  • There was one pair of twins studied by behavioral genetics

  • who were known as the "Giggle Twins" because they were--both

  • would always giggle, they'd burst into giggles at

  • every moment even though it couldn't be environment because

  • they weren't raised together. More objectively,

  • the brain scans of identical twins reared apart show that

  • their brains are so similar in many cases you can't tell whose

  • brain is who. I could tell your brain from my

  • brain from a brain scan and my brother's brain from my brain

  • from a brain scan. But if I were to have an

  • identical twin it would be very difficult to tell whose brain is

  • whose even if we had no environment in common.

  • So, this leads to two surprising findings of

  • behavioral genetics. This is the first one.

  • There is high heritability for almost everything.

  • For intelligence, for personality,

  • for how happy you are, for how religious you are,

  • for your political orientation, there--for your sexual

  • orientation, there is high heritability.

  • There's a high effect of genes for just about everything.

  • Now, that's actually not the controversial thing I'm going to

  • tell you. But before getting to the more

  • controversial thing I want to raise another issue which often

  • gets discussed and has a good treatment in the textbook.

  • This suggests that individual differences within this--within

  • a group have genetic causes. Does that mean that group

  • differences are largely the result of genetic causes?

  • So, we know that there are clear differences in IQ scores

  • among American racial groups, between whites and Asians,

  • African Americans, Ashkenazi Jews.

  • There's clear and reliable IQ differences as well as some

  • other differences. Now, to some extent,

  • these groups are partially socially constructed.

  • And what this means is that whether or not you fall into a

  • group it's not entirely determined by your genetic

  • makeup. It's often determined by social

  • decisions. So, whether or not you count as

  • a Jew, for instance, depends not entirely on genetic

  • factors but also on factors such as whether you're reform or

  • orthodox and whether you--so whether you would accept that a

  • child of a Jewish man and a non-Jewish woman is Jewish.

  • Similarly, categories like African American and white and

  • Asian often overlap broad genetic categories and they

  • don't make fully coherent genetic sense.

  • At the same time though, there is plainly some genetic

  • differences across human groups and say with regard to

  • vulnerability to disease. Ashkenazi Jews for instance are

  • vulnerable to Tay-Sachs. And the fact that you could

  • have this sort of genetic vulnerability suggests that

  • there is some sort of reality to these groups.

  • So, you have to ask the question now,

  • to what extent does the high heritability in individuals mean

  • that there has to be a heritable explanation across groups?

  • And the answer is "not at all." I'm not saying that this means

  • that there's no genetic explanation for human group

  • differences. All I'm saying is the question

  • of the phenomena of--within-group genetic

  • differences does not mean that there is across-group

  • genetic--sorry, between-group genetic

  • differences. There is a nice example by

  • Richard Lewontin, the geneticist,

  • where he imagines two plots of--what are you--some sort of

  • wheat, yeah, two plots of land and

  • each one has a set of seeds and--Oh, no.

  • They're over there. No.

  • Anyway, one of them you fertilize a lot.

  • The other one you fertilize a little.

  • Now, within each plot how much the seed grows is actually

  • largely determined by the genetics of the seed.

  • And so, you'd find high heritability for growth in the

  • seeds. But the difference between

  • groups has no genetic cause at all.

  • It's caused by which groups you fertilize more than others.

  • Here's another way to do the logic.

  • Suppose from the middle down here, you guys,

  • I hate you, I really hate all of you, and I like you,

  • so I make up two Midterms. You probably didn't notice but

  • there were two Midterms. This Midterm was fiercely hard,

  • savagely hard. It took many of you until the

  • end of class to do it. This Midterm was,

  • "Which is bigger, a dog or an elephant?"

  • [laughter] because I like you and I want

  • you all to succeed. So, you have two different

  • groups, you guys and you guys. Within each group some people

  • are going to do better than others.

  • The explanation for that might actually have to do with your

  • genes. It might have to do with your

  • environment, how much you study, but all sorts of reasons for

  • that. Within each group some of you

  • will do better on the hard test than others on the hard test,

  • some better on the easy test than others on the easy test.

  • But how do we explain the group difference?

  • Well, it has nothing to do with genes.

  • The group difference, the fact that you will do much

  • worse than you, has to do with the exams I

  • give. My point, again,

  • is that there is a logical difference between a

  • within-group difference, within this half of the class,

  • and a difference between groups, within--between this

  • group and this group. What do we know about--;So,

  • that just shows they're not the same thing but what's the fact

  • of the matter? What do we know about human

  • differences between different human groups?

  • Again, the textbook has a good discussion of this but I'm going

  • to give two reasons from the textbook that at least group

  • differences are at least to a large extent due to

  • environmental and not genetic causes.

  • One is that the differences we find in IQ seem to correspond

  • better to socially defined groups than genetically defined

  • groups. They seem to correspond to

  • groups defined in terms of how people treat you and how people

  • think about you as opposed to your DNA.

  • And to the extent that turns out to be true that would mean

  • that a genetic explanation is not reasonable for those

  • differences. A second factor is that we know

  • IQ can differ radically without any genetic differences at all.

  • And the most dramatic evidence of that is the Flynn effect.

  • The Flynn effect is one of the freakier findings.

  • The Flynn effect is the finding that people have been getting

  • smarter. You are much smarter on average

  • than your parents if--and the IQ tests hide that.

  • Here is why they hide that. They hide that because they

  • always make 100 the average. So, you come home and you say,

  • "Dad, Dad, I just did an IQ test.

  • I got 120." And your father says,

  • "Good work, Son. I got 122 when I was your age,"

  • but what neither of you acknowledge is your test was

  • much harder. As people got better,

  • they had to make the test harder and harder.

  • And this is plotted by the Flynn effect.

  • One of these lines is American and one is Dutch.

  • I don't know which is which but the gist of it is that somebody

  • who would have--that if you in 1980 would take the 1950 test,

  • your average person in 1980 would score 120 on the 1950

  • test. What this means is if you take

  • your person who's average now and push him back through time

  • twenty years, thirty years,

  • he would do much better than average.

  • Nobody knows why people are getting smarter and there's

  • different theories of this. And in fact,

  • well, wait until you see your reading response.

  • But what this illustrates is that IQ can change dramatically

  • over the span of a few decades without any corresponding

  • genetic change. And that leaves open the

  • possibility, in fact, maybe the likelihood,

  • that the differences we find in human groups,

  • existing human groups, are caused by the same

  • environmental effects that have led to the Flynn effect.

  • Okay. This is not the surprising

  • claim though, the high heritability for

  • almost everything. This is the surprising claim.

  • Almost everything that's not genetic is due to non-shared

  • environments. The behavioral genetic analyses

  • suggest that shared environment counts for little or nothing.

  • When it comes to personality or intelligence then,

  • an adopted child is no more similar to his siblings than he

  • or she is to a stranger. To put it a different way,

  • the IQ correlation in genetically unrelated adults who

  • are raised in the same family is about zero.

  • Suppose the Bloom family all has an IQ of 104 and we adopt a

  • kid. What will this kid's--We adopt

  • him as a baby. We raise him to be a

  • twenty-year-old. What's his IQ?

  • Answer? We have no idea because the IQ

  • of the Bloom family who are unrelated to him has no effect

  • at all. Now, if you think about the

  • implications of it, it becomes controversial and

  • Newsweek, I think, caught the big issue

  • when they put in their title the question "do parents matter?"

  • And the question--And the issue is parents are shared

  • environment. To say shared environment does

  • not affect your intelligence or your personality suggests that

  • how your parents raised you does not affect your gene--your

  • intelligence or your personality.

  • This isn't to say your parents didn't have a big effect on your

  • intelligence and personality. Your parents had a huge effect

  • on your intelligence and your personality, around 0.5

  • actually. They had this effect at the

  • moment of conception. From then on in,

  • they played very little role in shaping you--what you are.

  • The case for this which generated the Newsweek

  • cover came up in a controversial book by Judith Harris called

  • The Nurture Assumption which has a very long subtitle,

  • "Why Parents Turn--Why Children Turn Out the Way They Do,

  • Parents Matter Less than You Think and Peers Matter More."

  • Judith Harris has had an interesting history.

  • She was kicked out of graduate school at Harvard and told that

  • she wouldn't amount to much. The person who wrote the letter

  • saying that she was not going to amount to much was the

  • department chair, George Miller.

  • In 1997, she won the George Miller award for her astounding

  • accomplishments. And when she wrote the book she

  • took as a starting point, her point of disagreement,

  • a famous poem by the poet Philip Larkin and many of you

  • have probably heard this. The poem goes like this:

  • They fuck you up, your mum and dad.

  • They may not mean to but they do.

  • They fill you with the faults they had And add some extra just

  • for you. The last line of the poem,

  • the last bit of the poem, ends: "Man hands on misery to

  • man. It deepens like a coastal shelf.

  • Get out as early as you can and don't have any kids yourself."

  • It's beautiful. [laughter]

  • Harris wrote a rebuttal: "How sharper than a serpent's

  • tooth to hear your child make such a fuss.

  • It isn't fair. It's not the truth.

  • He's fucked up, yes, but not by us."

  • [laughter] Just to show that academic

  • debates never end, a British psychoanalyst named

  • Oliver James, outraged by Judith Harris' book

  • The Nurture Assumption, wrote another book in response

  • called They Fuck You Up. [laughter]

  • Now, how do you tell your grandparents,

  • "I wrote a book." "What's it called?"

  • "Can't tell you." [laughter] Anyway, look.

  • If you're paying attention, this has to sound wrong.

  • You must be thinking of course there must be an effect of

  • shared environment. Of course parents have an

  • effect. After all, good kids have good

  • parents. There is no doubt at all that

  • this is true. There is a high correlation

  • between parent and child for everything.

  • If your parents read a lot and there's a lot of books in your

  • house, you will become a reader. If your parents are religious,

  • you will be religious. If you're raised by Bonnie and

  • Clyde, you will be a young thug. [laughter]

  • If your parents are poor, you're likely to be poor.

  • If your parents are brilliant, you're likely to be brilliant.

  • No doubt at all. It is an extremely robust

  • correlation. But the problem is this

  • correlation could be explained in different ways.

  • Everybody thinks it's because parents do something that

  • affects their kids. Your parents are bookish,

  • they read to their kids, so their kids become bookish,

  • but another possibility, which we know is true,

  • that almost always parents share their genes with their

  • kids. Another possibility is it's the

  • parents who are affecting--sorry,

  • it's the child who is affecting the parents,

  • not vice versa, and to illustrate this,

  • these different possibilities, I want to tell you a little bit

  • about a study. And I really find this a

  • fascinating study. It was reported last year and

  • it was a study shown that--suggesting that family

  • meals help teens avoid smoking, alcohol, drugs.

  • It involved a phone questionnaire where they phoned

  • up teenagers and their parents and said, "Hey,

  • teenager. Do you do a lot of drugs?"

  • "Yes." "Do you have dinner with your

  • parents?" "No."

  • And they take it off--and then they ask other people and they

  • find that the kids who are the good kids have meals with their

  • parents, suggesting this headline.

  • I like this study because I have read--I must have read in

  • my career a thousand studies and this is the worst study ever

  • done [laughter] in the history of science.

  • And it's almost--We could devote a week to discussing

  • what's wrong with this study. Let's just--But here's the idea.

  • It is possible that they are right.

  • It is actually possible--there's no--I have no

  • evidence against itthat having meals with your kids

  • makes them into good, drug-free, non-promiscuous,

  • non-drinking kids. Of course, it's equally

  • possible it's the other way around.

  • If little Johnny is kind of--is out there smoking pot and

  • cavorting with prostitutes and stuff like that,

  • he's not going to come home for the family meal.

  • It's the other way around. While if he's a good kid,

  • he might be more likely to have a family meal.

  • So, the direction--It might actually be not family meals

  • make good kids but rather good kids stick around to have--if

  • they have nothing better to do and have meals with Mom and Dad.

  • [laughter] Another possibility is there's

  • good families and bad families. A good family is likely to have

  • drug-free kids and a family meal.

  • A bad family is likely to have stoned kids and no family meal.

  • [laughter] So, there--maybe there's an

  • effect of that. The parents had nothing to do

  • with the family meal. Here's the even weirder part.

  • They didn't factor out age so think about this.

  • Their sample included children ranging from twelve to seventeen

  • but let me tell you something about twelve-year-olds.

  • Twelve-year-olds don't use a lot of drugs and are likely to

  • eat with their family. Seventeen-year-olds are stoned

  • all the time and they don't eat with their family.

  • [laughter] I've just begun on this study

  • but the point is when you hear something like--So now,

  • take something which you may be more likely to believe.

  • Maybe you believe that having parents who read to their kids,

  • that's good for their kids. Well, maybe it is but most of

  • these criticisms apply to that study too.

  • A bookish kid is more likely to get his parents to read to him.

  • A good family--Parents who are good parents in general are more

  • likely to do all sorts of good things to their kids and have

  • good kids besides. Take another case,

  • the so-called cycle of violence.

  • Yes, it's true. Parents who smack their kids

  • tend to have statistically more violent kids.

  • But maybe the causality goes the other way around.

  • Maybe if you have a kid who is a troublemaker you're more

  • likely to smack him. Maybe, which seems to be

  • entirely likely, the propensity for violence is

  • to some extent heritable. And so, even if the kid was not

  • raised by the smacking parent, whatever properties of that

  • parent caused him--led to that violence got inherited by the

  • kid. Now, again, this isn't going to

  • sit right for you and I've had--I put this down because

  • last year when I gave this talk people ran up to me and told me

  • this. They said, "Look.

  • I know my mom and dad had a huge role in my life.

  • That's why I'm so happy and successful," then other people

  • said, "That's why I'm so miserable and screwed up,"

  • but either way blame it on Mom and Dad or thank Mom and Dad.

  • And you might think you know. When you become famous and you

  • stand up and you get your awards maybe you'll thank your mom and

  • dad. When you go to your therapist

  • and explain why you're so screwed up maybe you'll blame

  • Dad. "He never took me to a baseball

  • game." Well, maybe,

  • [laughter] but you don't know.

  • Were you adopted? If you weren't adopted,

  • you can't even begin to have the conversation about how your

  • parents messed you up because if you're a lot like your parents

  • you might be a lot like your parents because you share their

  • genes. Of course, you resemble your

  • parents. Moreover, how do you figure out

  • which is the cause and which is the effect?

  • "Mom smacked me a lot and that's why I turned out to be

  • such a rotten person." Well, maybe she smacked you

  • because you were rotten. [laughter]

  • I don't want to get personal but it's very difficult to pull

  • these things apart. A final point on this.

  • One response to Harris' book is this.

  • "Look. Even if this is true,

  • you shouldn't let this get out because if parents don't mold

  • their children's personalities maybe why should they treat

  • their kids nicely?" And you might be wondering this.

  • You might be thinking, well, gee, if you don't have

  • any effect on how your kids turn out, why be nice to them,

  • but there are answers. You might want to be nice to

  • them because you love them. You might want to be nice to

  • them because you want them to be happy.

  • You might want to be nice to them because you want to have

  • good relationships with them. And I have a little bit more

  • but I'm going to skip it and I'm going to move right to your

  • reading response, which is very,

  • very simple, easy to answer,

  • easy to grade: Explain the Flynn effect.

  • It's a toughie so just explain that.

  • Okay. Have a wonderful spring break

  • and I'll see you when you get back.

Professor Paul Bloom: What we've been talking about

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