fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen:

I would like to begin today by telling you about an American named Chris Stevens.

Chris was born in a town called Grass Valley, California,

the son of a lawyer and a musician.

As a young man, Chris joined the Peace Corps, and taught English in Morocco.

He came to love and respect the people of North Africa and the Middle East,

and he would carry that commitment throughout his life.

As a diplomat, he worked from Egypt to Syria; from Saudi Arabia to Libya.

He was known for walking the streets of the cities where he worked – tasting the local food,

meeting as many people as he could, speaking Arabic and listening with a broad smile.

Chris went to Benghazi in the early days of the Libyan revolution, arriving on a cargo ship.

As America’s representative, he helped the Libyan people as they coped with violent conflict,

cared for the wounded, and crafted a vision for the future

in which the rights of all Libyans would be respected.

After the revolution, he supported the birth of a new democracy

as Libyans held elections, built new institutions, and began to move forward after decades of dictatorship.

Chris Stevens loved his work. He took pride in the country he served,

and he saw dignity in the people that he met. Two weeks ago,

he travelled to Benghazi to review plans to establish a new cultural center and modernize a hospital.

That’s when America’s compound came under attack.

Along with three of his colleagues, Chris was killed in the city he helped to save.

He was 52 years old.

I tell you this story because Chris Stevens embodied the best of America.

Like his fellow Foreign Service officers, he built bridges across oceans and cultures,

and was deeply invested in the international cooperation that the United Nations represents.

He acted with humility, but he also stood up for a set of principles – a belief that

individuals should be free to determine their own destiny, and live with liberty, dignity, justice, and opportunity.

The attacks on our civilians in Benghazi were attacks on America.

We are grateful for the assistance we received from the Libyan government and from the Libyan people.

And there should be no doubt that we will be relentless in tracking down the killers and bringing them to justice.

And I also appreciate that in recent days, the leaders of other countries in the region –

including Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen – have taken steps to secure our diplomatic facilities,

and called for calm. And so have religious authorities around the globe.

But understand that the attacks of the last two weeks are not simply an assault on America.

They are also an assault on the very ideals upon which the United Nations was founded –

the notion that people can resolve their differences peacefully; that diplomacy can take the place of war;

that in an interdependent world, all of us have a stake in working towards greater opportunity and security for our citizens.

If we are serious about upholding these ideals, it will not be enough to put more guards in front of an embassy;

or to put out statements of regret, and wait for the outrage to pass.

If we are serious about these ideals, we must speak honestly about the deeper causes of this crisis.

Because we face a choice between the forces that would drive us apart, and the hopes that we hold in common.

Today, we must reaffirm that our future will be determined by people like Chris Stevens, and not by his killers.

Today, we must declare that this violence and intolerance has no place among our United Nations.

It has been less than two years since a vendor in Tunisia set himself on fire to protest the oppressive corruption in his country,

and sparked what became known as the Arab Spring. And since then,

the world has been captivated by the transformation that has taken place,

and the United States has supported the forces of change.

We were inspired by the Tunisian protests that toppled a dictator, because we recognized

our own beliefs in the aspirations of men and women who took to the streets.

We insisted on change in Egypt, because our support for democracy ultimately put us on the side of the people.

We supported a transition of leadership in Yemen,

because the interests of the people were no longer being served by a corrupt status quo.

We intervened in Libya alongside a broad coalition, and with the mandate of the U.N. Security Council,

because we had the ability to stop the slaughter of innocents; and because we believed

that the aspirations of the people were more powerful than a tyrant.

And as we meet here, we again declare that the regime of Bashar al-Assad must come to an end

so that the suffering of the Syrian people can stop, and a new dawn can begin.

We have taken these positions because we believe that freedom and self-determination are not unique to one culture.

These are not simply American values or Western values – they are universal values.

And even as there will be huge challenges to come with a transition to democracy,

I am convinced that ultimately government of the people, by the people and for the people

is more likely to bring about the stability, prosperity, and individual opportunity that serve as a basis for peace in our world.

So let us remember that this is a season of progress.

For the first time in decades, Tunisians, Egyptians, and Libyans

voted for new leaders in elections that were credible, competitive, and fair.

This democratic spirit has not been restricted to the Arab World.

Over the past year, we have seen peaceful transitions of power in Malawi and Senegal,

and a new President in Somalia. In Burma, a President has freed political prisoners

and opened a closed society; a courageous dissident has been elected to Parliament;

and people look forward to further reform. Around the globe,

people are making their voices heard, insisting on their innate dignity, and the right to determine their future.

And yet the turmoil of recent weeks reminds us that the path to democracy does not end with the casting of a ballot.

Nelson Mandela once said: “to be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains,

but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.” [Applause]

True democracy demands that citizens cannot be thrown in jail because of what they believe,

and that businesses can be opened without paying a bribe.

It depends on the freedom of citizens to speak their minds and assemble without fear;

and on the rule of law and due process that guarantees the rights of all people.

In other words, true democracy – real freedom – is hard work.

Those in power have to resist the temptation to crack down on dissidents.

In hard economic times, countries may be tempted to rally the people around perceived enemies,

at home and abroad, rather than focusing on the painstaking work of reform.

Moreover, there will always be those that reject human progress – dictators who cling to power,

corrupt interests that depend on the status quo; and extremists who fan the flames of hate and division.

From Northern Ireland to South Asia; from Africa to the Americas;

from the Balkans to the Pacific Rim, we’ve witnessed convulsions

that can accompany transitions to a new political order. At times,

the conflicts arise along the fault lines of race or tribe;

and often they arise from the difficulties of reconciling tradition and faith with the diversity and interdependence of the modern world.

In every country, there are those who find different religious beliefs threatening;

in every culture, those who love freedom for themselves must ask themselves how much they are willing to tolerate freedom for others.

That is what we saw play out in the last two weeks, as a crude and disgusting video

sparked outrage throughout the Muslim world. I have made it clear that

the United States government had nothing to do with this video, and I believe

its message must be rejected by all who respect our common humanity.

It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as well –

for as the city outside these walls makes clear, we are a country that has welcomed people of every race and every faith.

We are home to Muslims who worship across our country.

We not only respect the freedom of religion – we have laws

that protect individuals from being harmed because of how they look or what they believe.

We understand why people take offense to this video because millions of our citizens are among them.

I know there are some who ask why we don’t just ban such a video.

The answer is enshrined in our laws: our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech.

Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense.

Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian,

and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs.

As President of our country, and Commander-in-Chief of our military,

I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day, [Laughs] and I will always defend their right to do so. [Applause]

Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people

to express their views – even views that we profoundly disagree with.

We do so not because we support hateful speech, but because

our Founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views,

and practice their own faith, may be threatened. We do so because in a diverse society,

efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics, and oppress minorities.

We do so because given the power of faith in our lives,

and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech

is not repression, it is more speech – the voices of tolerance

that rally against bigotry and blasphemy,

and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.

I know that not all countries in this body share this particular understanding of the protection of free speech. We recognize that.

But in 2012, at a time when anyone with a cell phone can spread offensive views around the world

with the click of a button, the notion that we can control the flow of information is obsolete.

The question, then, is how do we respond.

And on this we must agree: there is no speech that justifies mindless violence. [Applause]

There are no words that excuse the killing of innocents.

There is no video that justifies an attack on an embassy.

There is no slander that provides an excuse for people to burn a restaurant in Lebanon,

or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death and destruction in Pakistan.

In this modern world, with modern technologies, for us to respond it that way to hateful speech

empowers any individual who engages in such speech to create chaos around the world.

We empower the worst of us, if that's how we respond.

More broadly, the events of the last two weeks also speak to the need for all of us

to honestly address the tensions between the West and the Arab World that is moving towards democracy.

And let me be clear: just as we cannot solve every problem in the world,

the United States has not, and will not, seek to dictate the outcome of democratic transitions abroad.

We do not expect other nations to agree with us on every issue.

Nor do we assume that the violence of the past weeks, or the hateful speech by some individuals,

represent the views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims –

any more than the views of the people who produced this video represent those of Americans.

However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all leaders, in all countries,

to speak out forcefully against violence and extremism. [Applause]

It is time to marginalize those who – even when not directly resorting to violence –

use hatred of America, or the West, or Israel as the central organizing principle of politics.

For that only gives cover, and sometimes makes an excuse, for those who do resort to violence.

That brand of politics – one that pits East against West and South against North;

Muslim against Christians, and Hindu and Jews – cannot deliver on the promise of freedom.

To the youth, it offers only false hope.

Burning an American flag does nothing to provide a child with an education.

Smashing apart a restaurant does not fill an empty stomach.

Attacking an embassy won’t create a single job.

That brand of politics only makes it harder to achieve what we must do together:

educating our children and creating the opportunities that they deserve;

protecting human rights, and extending democracy’s promise.

Understand, America will never retreat from the world.

We will bring justice to those who harm our citizens and our friends,

and we will stand with our allies. We are willing to partner with countries around the world to deepen ties of trade and investment;

science and technology; energy and development – all efforts

that can spark economic growth for all of our people, and stabilize democratic change.

But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect.

No government or company; no school or NGO will be confident working in a country

where its people are endangered. For partnership to be effective,

our citizens must be secure, and our efforts must be welcomed.

A politics based only on anger –one based on dividing the world between us and them –

not only sets back international cooperation, it ultimately undermines those who tolerate it.

All of us have an interest in standing up to these forces.

Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the most at the hands of extremism.

On the same day our civilians were killed in Benghazi,

a Turkish police officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his wedding;

more than ten Yemenis were killed in a car bomb in Sana’a;

and several Afghan children were mourned by their parents

just days after they were killed by a suicide bomber in Kabul.

The impulse towards intolerance and violence may initially be focused on the West,

but over time it cannot be contained. The same impulses toward extremism

are used to justify war between Sunnis and Shia, between tribes and clans.

It leads not to strength and prosperity but to chaos.

In less than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests