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G'day, my name's Kevin.
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I'm from Australia. I'm here to help.
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(Laughter)
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Tonight, I want to talk about a tale of two cities.
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One of those cities is called Washington, and the other is called Beijing.
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Because how these two capitals shape their future
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and the future of the United States and the future of China
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doesn't just affect those two countries,
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it affects all of us
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in ways, perhaps, we've never thought of:
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the air we breathe, the water we drink,
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the fish we eat, the quality of our oceans,
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the languages we speak in the future,
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the jobs we have, the political systems we choose,
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and, of course, the great questions of war and peace.
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You see that bloke? He's French.
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His name is Napoleon.
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A couple of hundred years ago,
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he made this extraordinary projection:
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"China is a sleeping lion, and when she awakes,
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the world will shake."
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Napoleon got a few things wrong;
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he got this one absolutely right.
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Because China is today not just woken up,
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China has stood up and China is on the march,
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and the question for us all
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is where will China go
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and how do we engage this giant of the 21st century?
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You start looking at the numbers, they start to confront you in a big way.
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It's projected that China will become,
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by whichever measure -- PPP, market exchange rates --
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the largest economy in the world
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over the course of the decade ahead.
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They're already the largest trading nation,
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already the largest exporting nation,
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already the largest manufacturing nation,
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and they're also the biggest emitters of carbon in the world.
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America comes second.
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So if China does become the world's largest economy,
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think about this:
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It'll be the first time
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since this guy was on the throne of England --
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George III, not a good friend of Napoleon's --
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that in the world we will have as the largest economy
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a non-English speaking country,
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a non-Western country,
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a non-liberal democratic country.
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And if you don't think that's going to affect
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the way in which the world happens in the future,
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then personally, I think you've been smoking something,
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and it doesn't mean you're from Colorado.
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So in short, the question we have tonight is,
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how do we understand this mega-change,
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which I believe to be the biggest change for the first half of the 21st century?
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It'll affect so many things.
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It will go to the absolute core.
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It's happening quietly. It's happening persistently.
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It's happening in some senses under the radar,
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as we are all preoccupied with
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what's going in Ukraine, what's going on in the Middle East,
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what's going on with ISIS, what's going on with ISIL,
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what's happening with the future of our economies.
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This is a slow and quiet revolution.
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And with a mega-change comes also a mega-challenge,
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and the mega-challenge is this:
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Can these two great countries,
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China and the United States --
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China,
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the Middle Kingdom,
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and the United States,
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Měiguó --
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which in Chinese, by the way, means "the beautiful country."
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Think about that -- that's the name that China has given this country
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for more than a hundred years.
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Whether these two great civilizations, these two great countries,
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can in fact carve out a common future
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for themselves and for the world?
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In short, can we carve out a future
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which is peaceful and mutually prosperous,
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or are we looking at a great challenge
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of war or peace?
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And I have 15 minutes to work through war or peace,
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which is a little less time
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than they gave this guy to write a book called "War and Peace."
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People ask me, why is it that a kid growing up in rural Australia
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got interested in learning Chinese?
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Well, there are two reasons for that.
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Here's the first of them.
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That's Betsy the cow.
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Now, Betsy the cow was one of a herd of dairy cattle
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that I grew up with on a farm in rural Australia.
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See those hands there? These are not built for farming.
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So very early on, I discovered that in fact, working in a farm
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was not designed for me, and China was a very safe remove
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from any career in Australian farm life.
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Here's the second reason.
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That's my mom.
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Anyone here ever listen to what their mom told them to do?
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Everyone ever do what their mom told them to do?
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I rarely did,
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but what my mom said to me was,
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one day, she handed me a newspaper,
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a headline which said, here we have a huge change.
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And that change is China entering the United Nations.
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1971, I had just turned 14 years of age,
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and she handed me this headline.
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And she said, "Understand this, learn this,
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because it's going to affect your future."
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So being a very good student of history,
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I decided that the best thing for me to do was, in fact,
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to go off and learn Chinese.
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The great thing about learning Chinese
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is that your Chinese teacher gives you a new name.
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And so they gave me this name:
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Kè, which means to overcome or to conquer,
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and Wén, and that's the character for literature or the arts.
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Kè Wén, Conqueror of the Classics.
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Any of you guys called "Kevin"?
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It's a major lift from being called Kevin to be called Conqueror of the Classics.
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(Laughter)
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I've been called Kevin all my life.
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Have you been called Kevin all your life?
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Would you prefer to be called Conqueror of the Classics?
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And so I went off after that and joined the Australian Foreign Service,
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but here is where pride -- before pride, there always comes a fall.
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So there I am in the embassy in Beijing,
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off to the Great Hall of the People
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with our ambassador, who had asked me to interpret for his first meeting
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in the Great Hall of the People.
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And so there was I.
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If you've been to a Chinese meeting, it's a giant horseshoe.
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At the head of the horsehoe are the really serious pooh-bahs,
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and down the end of the horseshoe are the not-so-serious pooh-bahs,
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the junior woodchucks like me.
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And so the ambassador began with this inelegant phrase.
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He said, "China and Australia are currently enjoying a relationship
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of unprecedented closeness."
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And I thought to myself,
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"That sounds clumsy. That sounds odd.
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I will improve it."
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Note to file: Never do that.
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It needed to be a little more elegant, a little more classical,
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so I rendered it as follows.
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[In Chinese]
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There was a big pause on the other side of the room.
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You could see the giant pooh-bahs at the head of the horseshoe,
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the blood visibly draining from their faces,
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and the junior woodchucks at the other end of the horseshoe
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engaged in peals of unrestrained laughter.
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Because when I rendered his sentence,
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"Australia and China are enjoying a relationship
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of unprecedented closeness,"
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in fact, what I said was that Australia and China
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were now experiencing fantastic orgasm.
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(Laughter)
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That was the last time I was asked to interpret.
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But in that little story, there's a wisdom, which is,
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as soon as you think you know something about this extraordinary civilization
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of 5,000 years of continuing history,
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there's always something new to learn.
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History is against us
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when it comes to the U.S. and China
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forging a common future together.
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This guy up here?
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He's not Chinese and he's not American.
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He's Greek. His name's Thucydides.
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He wrote the history of the Peloponnesian Wars.
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And he made this extraordinary observation
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about Athens and Sparta.
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"It was the rise of Athens and the fear that this inspired in Sparta
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that made war inevitable."
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And hence, a whole literature about something called the Thucydides Trap.
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This guy here? He's not American and he's not Greek. He's Chinese.
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His name is Sun Tzu. He wrote "The Art of War,"
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and if you see his statement underneath, it's along these lines:
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"Attack him where he is unprepared, appear where you are not expected."
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Not looking good so far for China and the United States.
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This guy is an American. His name's Graham Allison.
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In fact, he's a teacher at the Kennedy School
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over there in Boston.
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He's working on a single project at the moment, which is,
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does the Thucydides Trap about the inevitably of war
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between rising powers and established great powers
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apply to the future of China-U.S. relations?
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It's a core question.
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And what Graham has done is explore 15 cases in history
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since the 1500s
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to establish what the precedents are.
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And in 11 out of 15 of them,
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let me tell you,
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they've ended in catastrophic war.
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You may say, "But Kevin --
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or Conqueror of the Classics --
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that was the past.
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We live now in a world of interdependence and globalization.
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It could never happen again."
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Guess what?
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The economic historians tell us that in fact,
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the time which we reached the greatest point
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of economic integration and globalization
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was in 1914,
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just before that happened, World War I,
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a sobering reflection from history.
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So if we are engaged in this great question
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of how China thinks, feels,
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and positions itself towards the United States,
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and the reverse,
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how do we get to the baseline
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of how these two countries and civilizations
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can possibly work together?
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Let me first go to, in fact,
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China's views of the U.S. and the rest of the West.
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Number one: China feels as if it's been humiliated
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at the hands of the West through a hundred years of history,
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beginning with the Opium Wars.
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When after that, the Western powers carved China up into little pieces,
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so that by the time it got to the '20s and '30s,
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signs like this one appeared on the streets of Shanghai.
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["No dogs and Chinese allowed"]
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How would you feel if you were Chinese,
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in your own country, if you saw that sign appear?
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China also believes and feels
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as if, in the events of 1919, at the Peace Conference in Paris,
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when Germany's colonies were given back
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to all sorts of countries around in the world,
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what about German colonies in China?
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They were, in fact, given to Japan.
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When Japan then invaded China in the 1930s
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the world looked away and was indifferent to what would happen to China.
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And then, on top of that, the Chinese to this day believe
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that the United States and the West
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do not accept the legitimacy of their political system
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because it's so radically different from those of us who come
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from liberal democracies,
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and believe that the United States to this day is seeking
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to undermine their political system.
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China also believes that it is being contained
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by U.S. allies and by those with strategic partnerships with the U.S.
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right around its periphery.
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And beyond all that, the Chinese have this feeling
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in their heart of hearts and in their gut of guts
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that those of us in the collective West
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are just too damned arrogant.
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That is, we don't recognize the problems in our own system,
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in our politics and our economics,
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and are very quick to point the finger elsewhere,
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and believe that, in fact, we in the collective West
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are guilty of a great bunch of hypocrisy.
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Of course, in international relations,
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it's not just the sound of one hand