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I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America,
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and to the republic for which it stands, one nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.
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Narrator: In the jungles of New Guinea,
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on the barren shores of the Aleutians,
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in the tropic heat of the Pacific Islands,
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in the subzero cold of the skies over Germany,
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in Burma and Iceland,
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the Philippines and Iran,
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France,
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in China and Italy,
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Americans fighting.
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Fighting over an area extending seven-eighths of the way around the world.
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Men from the green hills of New England;
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the sun-baked plains of the Middle West;
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the cotton fields of the South;
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the close-packed streets of Manhattan, Chicago;
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the teeming factories of Detroit, Los Angeles;
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the endless stretching distances of the Southwest;
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men from the hills and from the plains;
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from the villages and from the cities;
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bookkeepers; soda jerks; mechanics; college students;
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rich man; poor man; beggar man; thief;
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doctor; lawyer; merchant; chief.
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Now veteran fighting men.
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Yet two years ago many had never fired a gun or seen the ocean or been off the ground.
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Americans, fighting for their country while half a world away from it.
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Fighting for their country, and for more than their country.
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Fighting for an idea, the idea bigger than the country.
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Without the idea the country might have remained only a wilderness.
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Without the country, the idea might have remained only a dream.
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Chorus: [Singing]
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Narrator: Over this ocean.
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1607, Jamestown.
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1620, Plymouth Rock.
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Here was America: the sea, the sky, the virgin continent.
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We came in search of freedom, facing unknown dangers rather than bend the knee or bow to tyranny.
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Out of the native oak and pine we built a house, a church, a watchtower.
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We cleared a field, and there grew up a colony of free citizens.
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We carved new states out of the green wilderness: Virginia, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Carolina.
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Then came the first test in the defense of that liberty: 1775, Lexington.
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Our leaders spoke our deepest needs:
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“Colonists are by the law of nature free-born, as indeed all men are!”
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“It is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute new government.”
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“These are the times that try men’s souls.”
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“But as for me, give me liberty or give me death!”
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In the midst of battle, it happened. The idea grew, the idea took form.
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Something new was expressed by men, a new and revolutionary doctrine, the greatest creative force in human relations:
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all men are created equal, all men are entitled to the blessings of Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.
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That’s the goal we set for ourselves.
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Defeat meant hanging. Victory meant a world in which Americans rule themselves.
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1777, Valley Forge.
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We fought and froze, suffered and died, for what?
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For the future freedom of all Americans.
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A few of us doubted and despaired. Most of us prayed and endured all.
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1781, Yorktown.
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Now we were a free independent nation.
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The new idea had won its first test. Now to pass it on to future Americans.
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The Constitution, the sacred charter of “We the People,”
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the blood and sweat of “We the People,”
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the life, liberty, and happiness of “We the People.”
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The people were to rule.
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Not some of the people, not the best people or the worst, not the rich people or the poor,
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but “We the People,” all the people.
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In this brotherhood America was born, one nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.
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We began as 13 states along the Atlantic seaboard.
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We pushed across the Alleghenies, the Ohio River, the Mississippi, the last far range of the distant Rockies.
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We carried freedom with us.
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No aristocratic classes here, no kings, no nobles or princes, no state church, no courts, no parasites, no divine right of man to rule a man.
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Here humanity was making a clean fresh start from scratch.
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Behind us we left new states, chips off the old blocks welded together by freedom.
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Chorus: ♪ My country, 'tis of thee, ♪ ♪ Sweet land of liberty, ♪
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♪ Of thee I sing; ♪
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♪ Land where my fathers died, ♪ ♪ Land of the pilgrims' pride, ♪
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♪ From every mountainside ♪ ♪ Let freedom ring! ♪
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Narrator: Until finally we were one nation, a land of hope and opportunity that had arisen out of a skeptical world.
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A light was shining, freedom’s light.
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From every country and every clime, men saw that light and turned their faces toward it.
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Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free.
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The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
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Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!
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As strangers to one another we came and built a country, and the country built us into Americans.
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The sweat of the men of old nations was poured out to build a new.
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The sweat of our first settlers: the English, the Scotch, the Dutch, building the workshop of New England;
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of the Italian in the sulfur mines of Louisiana;
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of the Frenchmen and the Swiss in the vineyards of California and New York state;
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of the Dane, the Norwegian, the Swede, seeding the good earth to make the Midwest bloom with grain;
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of the Pole and the Welshman;
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of the Negro harvesting cotton in the hot Southern sun;
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of the Spaniard, the first to roam the great Southwest;
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of the Mexican in the oil fields of Texas and on the ranches of New Mexico;
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of the Greek and the Portuguese, harvesting the crop the oceans yield;
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of the German with his technical skill;
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of the Hungarian and the Russian;
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of the Irishman, the Slav, and the Chinese working side-by-side
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– the sweat of Americans. And a great nation was built.
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[Music]
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Yes, the sweat of the men of all nations built America – and the blood.
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For the blood of Americans has been freely shed.
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Five times in our history have we withstood the challenge to the idea that made our nation:
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the idea of equality for all men; life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
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The idea that made us the people we are.
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Let’s take a look at ourselves before we went into this war.
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Narrator 2: Well, first of all we’re a working people. On the land, at the work bench, at a desk.
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And we’re an inventive people. The lightning rod, cotton gin, the telegraph,
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the blessed anesthesia of ether, the rotary printing press, the telephone,
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electric welding, the incandescent lamp, submarine, steam turbine,
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the motor-driven airplane, the x-ray tube, the gyroscope compass, the sewing machine, television:
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all these and countless more bear witness to our inventiveness.
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Cat: Meow.
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Narrator 2: And this inventiveness and enterprise, plus our hard-won democratic ideal of the greatest good for the greatest number,
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created for the average man the highest standard of living in the world.
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Thirty-two and a half million registered automobiles, two-thirds of all the automobiles there are in the entire world.
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We demand the highest standards in sanitation, purity of food, medical care.
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Our hospitals are models for the world to copy.
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We want the best for the average man, woman, or child – particularly child.
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We have reduced the hazard of being born.
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From then on we protect, foster, and generally spoil the majority of our children.
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But it doesn’t seem to hurt them much.
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They go to school, all kinds of schools:
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to kindergartens, public schools, private schools, trade schools, high schools (to 25,000 high schools), and to college.
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In the last war 20 percent of all the men in the armed forces had been to high school or college; in this war, 63 percent.
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We’re a great two weeks vacation people.
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We hunt, and we fish.
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Up north, down south, back east, out west – when the season opens we hunt and fish.
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We’re a sports-loving people.
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[Cheering and crowd noises]
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[Music]
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And we’re probably the travelingest nation in all history. We love to go places.
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We have the cars, we have the roads, we have the scenery.
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We don’t need passports, but sometimes we need alibis.
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We sleep by the road; we eat by the road.
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The foreigner is enchanted and amazed by what we like to put on our stomachs.
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[Music]
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And we’re a great joining people. We join clubs, fraternities, unions, federations.
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Shove a blank at us, we’ll sign up.
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Radios – we have one in the living room,
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the dining room,
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the bedroom,
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the bathroom,
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in our cars,
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in our hands, and up our sleeves.
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Radio Announcer: Does your cigarette taste different lately?
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Narrator 2: Music – we couldn’t be without it.
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[Music]
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The press? Yes it’s the biggest, but most important it’s the freest on Earth:
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over 12,000 newspapers of all shades of opinion;
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books on every conceivable subject;
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and more than 6,000 different magazines, not counting the comics.
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Churches? We have every denomination on Earth.
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Sixty million of us regularly attend and no one dares tell us which one to go to.
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We elect our own neighbors to govern us.
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We believe in individual enterprise and opportunity for men and women alike.
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We make mistakes. We see the results.
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We correct the mistakes.
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We skyrocket into false prosperities, and then plummet down into false needless depressions.
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But in spite of everything, we never lose our faith in the future.
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We believe in the future. We build for the future.
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Narrator: Yes, we build for the future and the future always catches up with us.
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Before we’re done building, we’ve developed something new and have to start rebuilding.
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That’s roughly the kind of people we are: boastful, easy-going, sentimental.
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But underneath, passionately dedicated to the ideal our forefathers passed on to us: the liberty and dignity of man.
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We’ve made great material progress, but spiritually we’re still in the frontier days.
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Yet deep down within us there’s a great yearning for peace and goodwill toward men.
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Somehow we feel that if men turn their minds toward the fields of peace as they have toward the fields of transportation, communication, or aviation,
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wars would soon be as old-fashioned as the horse and buggy days.
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We hate war. We know that in war it’s the common man who does the paying, the suffering, the dying.
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We bend over backwards to avoid it.
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But let our freedoms be endangered, and we’ll pay and suffer and fight to the last man.
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That is the America, that is the way of living, for which we fight today.
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Why? Is that fight necessary? Did we want war?
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In 1917, before most of you fighting men were born,
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our fathers fought the First World War to make the world safe for democracy, for the common man.
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They fought a good fight and won it.
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There was to be no more war in their time or their children’s time.
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Faithful to our treaty obligations we destroyed much of our naval tonnage.
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Our army went on a reducing guide until it became little more than a skeleton.
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For us, war was to be outlawed. For us, Europe was far away.
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And as for Asia, well that was really out of this world, where everything looked like it was torn from the National Geographic.
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Yet in this remote spot in Asia in 1931, while most of you were playing ball in the sandlots, this war started.
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Without warning Japan invaded Manchuria.
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Once again, men who were peaceful became the slaves of men who were violent.
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In Washington, D.C. our Secretary of State made a most vigorous protest:
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“The American government does not intend to recognize any situation, treaty, or agreement which may be brought about by means of aggression.”
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But we the people hadn’t much time to think about Manchuria.
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We were wrestling with the worst depression in our history.
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Some of us were out of jobs, some of us stood in bread lines,
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some of us suffered homemade aggression,
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some of us were choked with dust, some of us had no place to go.
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Two years later in 1933, while most of you were graduating from high school,
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we read that a funny little man called Hitler had come into power in Germany.
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We heard that a thing called the Nazi Party had taken over.
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“Today we rule Germany, tomorrow the world.”
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What kind of talk was that? It must be only hot air.
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In 1935, about the time you had your first date, we read that strutting Mussolini had attacked far-off Ethiopia.
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A disease seemed to be spreading, so Congress assembled to insulate us against the growing friction of war.
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We want no war, we’ll have no war, saving defense of our own people or our own honor.
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Narrator: Toward this end our chosen representatives passed the Neutrality Act.
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No nation at war could buy manufactured arms or munitions from the United States.
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In 1936, when you were running around in jalopies, we were disturbed by news from Spain.
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In our newsreels we saw German and Italian air forces and armies fighting in Spain and wondered what they were doing there.
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For the first time we saw great cities squashed flat, civilians bombed and killed.
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In November 1936 the American Institute of Public Opinion, known as the Gallup Poll,
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asked a representative cross-section of American people “If another war develops in Europe should America take part again?”
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No, 95 percent.
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We the people had spoken.
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Nineteen out of 20 of us said “include us out.”
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To further insulate ourselves we added a cash and carry amendment to the Neutrality Act.
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Not only wouldn’t we sell munitions, but we wouldn’t sell anything at all,
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not even a spool of thread, unless warring powers sent their own ships and paid cash on the line.
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In 1937, the press services received a flash from Asia.
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Yes, the Japs were turning Asia into a slaughterhouse, but for us Asia was still far away.
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In September 1937, the Gallup Poll asked us “In the present fight between Japan and China are your sympathies with either side?”
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We answered: with China, 43 percent;
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with Japan, 2 percent;
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undecided, 55 percent.
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We hadn’t made up our minds about China.
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Our Neutrality Act barred sales of armaments only to nations at war.
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The Japanese had not declared war, so we went right on selling scrap iron and aviation gasoline to Japan.
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In March 1938, Hitler had not declared war either,
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but his goose-stepping army suddenly smashed in and occupied all the soil of Austria.
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Six months later, Hitler and his stooge met the anxious democracies at Munich.
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Hitler promised peace in our time if Britain and France would give him that part of Czechoslovakia known as the Sudetenland.
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Britain and France gave him that part of Czechoslovakia hoping to avert war.
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Now we had his word, peace in our time.
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At home we began to hear strange headlines.
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Newspaper Man: Extra! Extra! FBI captures German agent.
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Read all about it! Nazi spy gang captured.
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Narrator: We sat in our theaters unbelieving as motion pictures exposed Nazi espionage in America.
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Nazi Speaker: As Germans we know that if America is to be free,
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we must destroy the chain that ties the whole misery of American politics together,
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and that chain is